Iran --> Attack on the Dollar?

[Rasputin]

Little attention has been given the proposed Iranian Oil Bourse in the media. Instead, the news has been as whispered rumor in fringe media.

The implications are that this oil exchange would trade in euros rather than dollars, impacting the U.S. economy. Some consider this as effective as a nuke while others believe that it will have little impact on the U.S. economy.

[Rasputin]

Could the proposed Iranian oil bourse (IOB) become the catalyst for a significant blow to the influential position the US dollar enjoys? Manifold supply fears have driven the price of crude oil to its recent high of US$67.10 - only a notch below its highest price in inflation-adjusted dollar terms. With the world facing a daily bill of roughly $5.5 billion for crude oil at current price levels, it becomes apparent that sellers and purchasers of the black gold are looking into all ways that could lead to a financial improvement on their respective sides.

Non-US-dollar holders so far have been the victim of additional transaction costs in the oil trade. The necessary conversion of local currencies into oil-buying greenbacks can be considered a hidden tax, charged and enjoyed by the international banking sector. The IOB, by eliminating this transaction cost, will become



a factor that could unsettle the dollar's dominant position. While the worldwide bottleneck of inadequate refining facilities and partly dramatic declines in production - for example in the North Sea - are two factors that cannot be eliminated in the short term, there is one area left which could result in smiling faces of oil producers as well as most buyers.

Oil consumers are entangled in a web of supply fears that span the globe. In Venezuela, President Hugo Chavez threatens to divert oil supplies from the US to China, which faces severe gasoline and diesel shortages these days. Attacks on Iraqi oil installations have slowed exports there. Ecuador's oil industry is still recovering from a strike, while Nigerian oil companies are in the middle of efforts to avoid a strike there.

Until now, oil has been solely priced, traded and paid for in the greenback on markets in both London and New York. But monthly worldwide oil revenues of over $110 billion (on a 20-trading-day basis) - a third of which ends up with OPEC (Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries) members - raise the question of what happens to these cash mountains. According to the most recent data from the US Treasury Department, OPEC members have parked only a skimpy $120 billion in direct dollar holdings, which are almost equally split between equities and American debt paper. This is a clear indication that oil producers are investing their windfalls elsewhere. The yield spread between US and EU debt papers in favor of the EU is another hint where the petrodollars might be heading.

Especially in the case of Iran, it does not make sense to accept dollars only for its much-desired commodity. Given that Iran is seen as a hostile country by the current US administration for its intention to build its own nuclear reactors, one wonders whether the new IOB will not try to attract buyers other than Americans. Iran has recently announced that the new oil exchange will start up its computers in March 2006.

The proposal to set up a petroleum bourse was first voiced in Iran's development plan for 2000-2005. Last July, Heydar Mostakhdemin-Hosseini, who heads the board of directors of the Iranian Stock Exchange council, said authorities had agreed in principle to the establishment of the IOB, where petrochemicals, crude oil and oil and gas products will be traded. The oil exchange would strive to make Iran the main hub for oil deals in the region and most deals will be conducted via the Internet. Experts from London's International Petroleum Exchange (IPE) and the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) have reportedly confirmed the feasibility of the project.

The IOB can count on two sharp arrows in its holster. It can - and probably will - lure European buyers with oil prices quoted in euros, saving them dollar transaction costs. And it can strike barter deals with oil-hungry giants like China and India who have a lot of products and commodities to offer. One doubts whether American hamburgers and legal services will be considered adequate collateral for the world's most after-sought resource.

Worse than an Iranian nuclear attack?
Weaned off the almighty commodity, the US dollar can have a deeper impact on the US economy than a direct nuclear attack by Iran. The permanent demand for dollar-denominated paper stems substantially from the fact that until now almost all resources of the world are quoted in it. While this led to the eurodollar (US dollar-denominated deposits at foreign banks or foreign branches of American banks) market in the 1970s, the new terms of trade could ring in the demise of the dollar as the premier reserve currency.

With the world economy depending so much on oil, the black gold itself can be seen as a reserve currency that will be handed out against only the best collateral in the future. Last month, the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco published a paper about the progress of the diversification of central banks' reserves around the world. It concluded that the dollar's position is on the decline in many countries. China, the new industrial giant, has officially declared that it will diversify a part of its forex holdings into oil by building a strategic petroleum reserve. Construction of storage tanks has begun this year and will take several years until completion. China has not yet said how many barrels of oil it wants to store. The implications for the oil market can only be guessed as China wants to use its future reserves to smooth out spikes in oil price.

Iran holds a strong hand as the No 2 producer of crude behind Saudi Arabia, pumping 5% of the world's oil demand. Politicians there will also keep in mind that dollar deposits might become a burden in the future, if the US steps up its current war of words to the level of economic sanctions in the attempt to halt construction of Iran's nuclear power plants. Money in the bank does not help when you have no access to it. Substituting Iran's domestic oil demand partly with nuclear power will place the country in a win-win situation. Cheaper nuclear energy and increases in oil exports from the current level of roughly 2.5 million barrels a day will result in a profitable equation for Iran.

[Rasputin]

[Rasputin]

[Rasputin]

Iran's plan to weaken the dollar will fail

If, as is widely believed, the original tales of the 1001 Arabian Nights came out of Persia, then Iran, Persia's modern successor, has just given the world yet another great fantasy: the Iranian oil bourse.
Surely Tehran lost touch with reality when it developed its plan to use a new, euro-based oil exchange, on Kish Island in the Persian Gulf, to dethrone the greenback from its position as the world's reigning reserve currency. Such a project is neither likely to attract much business nor to have Tehran's desired effect on the dollar or the United States.

Tehran's plan of attack has the virtue of economic logic at least. Iran's planners recognize that the heavy use of the dollar in international trade sustains its foreign exchange value by forcing people to hold greater dollar balances than they otherwise would. The dollar's consequent strength encourages its use in other transactions, which requires still greater dollar holdings in a dollar-boosting cycle. Iran's planners hope that their euro-based exchange will disrupt this pattern. By forcing oil traders to hold euro balances instead of dollar balances, Tehran expects the oil bourse to induce dollar selling and consequently force a drop in value. Those foreign exchange losses will draw still more trading away from the dollar, further weakening it, until, ultimately, it loses its world-leading position. Iran's planners expect to do the US great harm in this way.

This economic logic, though reasonable from a theoretical standpoint, misses some very practical hurdles to success. Tehran's exchange simply is not attractive compared with the exchanges in London and New York, where dealers and traders are prospering amid their well-developed networks. On distant Kish Island, they would: (1) lack trained locals to work in their operations, (2) have to deal with a notoriously corrupt bureaucracy, (3) lose contact with a transparent financial, regulatory, or banking system, (4) lack the necessary technological infrastructure, and (5) sever most links to the globe's electronic commercial structures on which trading relies.

Because Iran is not even a member of the World Trade Organization, dealers who move to Kish Island would also miss the kind of legal structures on which they rely to facilitate trading and secure the contracts that support it. Furthermore, a firm's move to Kish would subject any staff assigned there to Islamic sharia law. Western oil company employees tolerate that burden because they must go where the oil is. The same is not true of futures traders.

Against this list of drawbacks, it is difficult to see how such an exchange could even get started. Tehran is unconvincing with its argument that proximity to the Middle East oil fields can overcome other reservations, especially in today's electronic, information-laden world. Neither can Tehran use its oil production, as it has hinted, to force traders and dealers to its exchange. As long as Iran sells its oil onto world markets, it has no control over where it gets traded. And Iran, whatever its political agenda, simply does not have the economic and financial wherewithal to hold back its oil altogether. Petroleum amounts to 80 percent of all Iranian exports, 45 percent of the country's GDP, and 60 percent of the government's revenues. With the economy there already rickety, any shortfall in oil sales would tempt financial, economic, and consequently political suicide for Iran's current regime.

Iran's proposed bourse would also face serious diplomatic and religious problems. To work, the exchange would require a free flow of funds and oil, but Iran's membership in OPEC subjects it to strict production and sales quotas. It is not at all clear how Tehran plans to reconcile one requirement with the other. Most fundamental of all, at least for many Iranians, is the likely violation of Islamic law. The Koran forbids either paying or receiving interest; futures contracts always carry an implicit interest for the time value of money. On this basis, the bourse could pose more of a problem for relations between Iran's government and its people than for the dollar.

Even if by some miracle of legal maneuvering and commercial seduction, Tehran established its euro-based oil bourse, trading there would likely fail to move the dollar from its dominant position. Even a wildly successful Iranian exchange would have only a short-lived currency effect. Once traders and dealers had adjusted their transactions balances to accommodate the euro-based trading, they would have no reason for further dollar sales or euro purchases. Currency values would then stabilize at a new level.

Clearly, Tehran has failed to think through its bourse project thoroughly. For the time being then, such talk of dollar destruction from Tehran resembles hopes and dreams more than practice and probability. To steal a phrase from that inspired Middle Eastern thinker, Fouad Ajami, the Iranian oil bourse would seem then to fit best with the many other Middle Eastern "dream palaces."