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  • Iranian Nationalism

    Iranian Nationalism is the term given to describe a political movement that has been in existence in the Iran for centuries to maintain Iranian identity by keeping Iranian culture and Iranian languages and oppose cultural assimilation in the long history of Iran which dates back thousands of years.

    History

    First accounts of nationalism in Iran dates back to Iranian national hero Ferdowsi who dedicated his life to preserve the national identity, language and heritage of Iran by writing Shahnameh, a Persian national epic and masterpiece. Shahnameh introduced many national heroes who fought to keep their country standing.

    Patrick Clawson writes:

    "Since the days of the Achaemenids, the Iranians had the protection of geography. But high mountains and vast emptiness of the Iranian plateau were no longer enough to shield Iran from the Russian army or British navy. Both literally, and figuratively, Iran shrank. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Azerbaijan, Armenia, much of Georgia, and Afghanistan were Iranian, but by the end of the century, all this territory had been lost as a result of European military action. Iran translated her territorial losses into a sense of bopth victimization and a propensity to interpret European action through the lens of conspiracy. This in turn has helped shape Iranian nationalism into the twenty first century."

    Modern nationalism in Iran dates back to 1906, when an almost bloodless constitutional revolution created Iran's first parliament. Reza Shah, helped shape Iranian nationalism by infusing it with a distinctly secular ideology, and diminishing the influence of Islam on Iran. In addition, Reza Shah sought to change the names of various towns to honor pre-Islamic Persian kings and mythological heroes, and to continue to reduce the power of the mullahs by seeking to modernize Iran.The Pahlavi dynasty thus was set irrevocably down the road towards infusing the country with a form of secular nationalism, a path that would eventually bring it into conflict with the country's clerical class. Iranian nationalism was a deciding force in the 1951 movement to nationalized Iran's oil wealth.




    Right wing parties of Iran


    National Front

    Nation Party

    Pan-Iranism

    SUMKA

    Rastakhiz

    The Constitutionalist Party of Iran (CPI)
    نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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  • #2
    The National Front of Iran (Jebhe Melli) is a Democratic political opposition group founded by Mohammad Mossadegh and other secular Iranian leaders of Nationalist, Liberal, and Social-Democratic political orientation who had been educated in France in the late 1940s. It is currently active both in Iran and in exile.

    Soon after its foundation, the National Front opposed the Western domination of natural resources in Iran--gained mostly by concessions obtained from the monarchy during the late Qajar period--primarily those owned by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, and an attempt to counteract the British dominance of Iran by initiating relations with the United States. Upon taking office in April of 1951, Prime Minister Mossadegh enforced the "Oil Nationalization Act", passed by the Majlis earlier that year in March, which called for nationalization of the assets held by AIOC, from which the government of Iran received minimal compensation. This led to the Abadan Crisis and the eventual British-American sponsored coup d'etat against Mossadegh in 1953.
    نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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    • #3
      جبهه ملی ایران سازمان سیاسی ملی‌گرای فعال در ایران است. این مقاله به تاریخ جبههٔ ملی ایران می‌پردازد و در ضمن تشکل‌هایی که در حال حاضر خود را ادامه دهندهٔ آن می‌دانند را نیز معرفی می‌کند.

      پیدایش

      نام جبهه ملی نخستین بار بر گروهی گذاشته شد که همراه دکتر مصدق برای اعتراض به آزاد نبودن انتخابات دوره شانزدهم مجلس شورای ملی در دربار تحصن کردند.

      هیات موسس جبهه ملی 19 نفر بودند که عبارتند از: دکتر محمد مصدق، احمدملکی (مدیر روزنامه ستاره)، دکتر محمدحسن کاویانی، دکتر کریم سنجابی، مهندس غلامحسین زیرک زاده، عباس خلیلی (مدیر روزنامه اقدام)، عمیدی نوری (مدیر روزنامه داد)، دکتر سید علی شایگان، شمس الدین امیرعلایی، محمود نریمان، ارسلان خلعت بری، آیت الله غروی، ابوالحسن حایری زاده، حسین ملکی، مظفربقایی، عبدالقدیرآزاد، جلال نایینی (مدیر روزنامه کشور)، دکتر حسین فاطمی، مشاراعظم. (هنگام کودتای ۲۸ مرداد از این گروه فقط 3 یا 4 نفر با مصدق بودند. بقیه یا کناررفتند و یا آشکارا علیه جنبش ملی ایران قیام کردند و به کودتا پیوستند).

      با پیوستن حزب ایران و سپس پان ایرانیست‌های پرچمداران به رهبری محمد مهرداد و پان ایرانیست‌های حزب ملت ایران به رهبری داریوش فروهر و بعد هواداران خلیل ملکی به صورت مهم‌ترین سازمان سیاسی ملی‌گرای ایران در جریان نهضت ملی شدن نفت در آمد.

      پس از کودتای ۲۸ مرداد ۱۳۳۲ و دستگیری رهبران وفادار به دکتر مصدق فعالیت این جبهه متوقف شد اگرچه بعضی از فعالان آن در نهضت مقاومت ملی به مبارزه با حکومت ادامه دادند.


      جبهه ملی دوم

      با رشد نارضایتی‌ها و گشایش نسبی فضای سیاسی ایران در سال ۱۳۳۹ رهبران و اعضا و هواداران جبهه ملی دوباره فعالیت سیاسی خود را از سر گرفتند.

      اعلام اصلاحات معروف به "انقلاب سفید" از سوی محمدرضا شاه با دستگیری رهبران و اعضا و ممنوعیت فعالیت جبهه ملی همراه بود.

      پس از آن کوشش‌هائی برای احیای جبهه ملی صورت گرفت (که گاه به "جبهه ملی سوم" معروف است) ولی این سازمان عملا تا اوج‌گیری مبارزات مردم در سال ۱۳۵۶ و ۱۳۵۷ از فعالیت باز ماند.


      انقلاب

      در جریان انقلاب جبهه ملی فعالیت خود را از سر گرفت. دیدار دکتر کریم سنجابی از رهبران جبهه ملی با آیت‌الله خمینی در فرانسه اگرچه با انتقادات زیادی روبرو شد ولی نام جبهه ملی را دوباره وارد صجنه سیاسی ایران کرد.

      پس از تشکیل جمهوری اسلامی حملات نیروهای طرفدار حکومت تازه به مخالفان، از جمله جبهه ملی شدت گرفت و با دستگیری و سرکوب اعضا و رهبران، بار دیگر این سازمان از فعالیت باز ماند.



      سال‌های اخیر

      در چند سال اخیر سازمان‌های متعددی به نام جبهه ملی به مناسبت‌های مختلف سیاسی و اجتماعی اعلامیه‌هائی منتشر کرده اند.

      در حال حاضر نیز سازمان‌های متعددی در خارج از کشور خود را به نوعی ادامه دهنده جبهه ملی ایران می‌دانند و گاها تحت نام "ملیون" با هم متحد هستند. بعضی از این سازمان‌ها وب‌گاه‌هایی رسمی دارند و نشریات منظمی انتشار می‌دهند و تمامی آن‌ها مخالف جمهوری اسلامی هستند.
      نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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      • #4
        Hezb-e Mellat-e Iran (Persian حزب ملت ایران, properly transliterated as " Party of the Iranian Nation") also known as Nation Party of Iran or Iran Nation Party (INP) is a liberal nationalist political party seeking secular democracy and separation of church and state in Iran.


        History

        The group was founded by Dariush Forouhar in 1951, which he continued to lead up until his unsolved murder in 1998. Though sharing the same political foundation and similar ideologies, Mellat Iran differed greatly from the Pan-Iranist Party, which he had originally co-founded with Mohsen Pezeshkpour. Unlike the latter group, Mellat Iran was against the Shah and strongly supported the nationalist Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh. Mellat Iran also operated from a grass roots foundation, and was active during and immediately after the Iranian Revolution. After the rise to power of Khomeini, Mellat Iran, the Pan-Iranist Party, and other nationalist groups such as the National Front and National Alliance were outlawed and their supporters ostracized and persecuted. Since Forouhar's assassination in November 1998, the party has been led by Khosrow Seif


        Current legal status

        The party is officially banned by the Iranian government; their members are constantly harassed and often jailed. The former Foruhar residence which has been a focal point for party members since his death, is kept under surveillance. Persons attending meetings there are sometimes arrested and taken in for questioning. In 2003, Amnesty International issued a memo expressing that organization's concern for three men who "...reportedly were tortured while being held incommunicado."
        نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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        • #5



          The Pan-Iranist Party (Persian: حزب پان ایرانیست, Hezb-e Pan-Iranist) is a pan-Iranist political opposition party. It is active both in and out of Iran.

          The invasion of Iran by Anglo-Soviet armies in the early 20th century lead to a sense of insecurity among Iranians who saw the king, Reza Shah, powerless against such foreign presence in the country. There were soldiers from Russia, England, India, New Zealand, Australia and later on America present in the country, especially in the capital Tehran [1].

          The Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran influenced a series of student movements in 1941 where nationalism was gaining popularity more than ever between Iranians, one of these new groups was an underground nationalist guerrilla group called the Revenge group (also known as the Anjoman) [1].

          The Pan-Iranist Party was founded later on by two of the members of the revenge group and two other students in the mid-to-late 1940s in Tehran University. Though the pan-Iranist movement had been active throughout the 1930s, it had been a loosely organized grass roots alliance of nationalist writers, teachers, students, and activists. The party was the first organization to officially adopt the pan-Iranist position, which believed in the solidarity and reunification of the Iranian peoples inhabiting the Iranian plateau.


          History

          In 1951, Mohsen Pezeshkpour and Dariush Forouhar came to a disagreement as to how the party should operate, and a division occurred. The Pezeskpour faction, which retained the party name, believed in working within the system of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The Forouhar faction, which adopted a new name, Mellat Iran (Nation of Iran Party), believed in working against the system. Mellat Iran was far more fervently nationalist than the former party, and strongly supported and was allied with the national movement of Mohammad Mossadegh, who had founded the National Front of Iran (Jebhe Melli) with other Iranian nationalist leaders.

          After the British-American sponsored coup d'etat against Mossadegh, the Shah assumed dictatorial powers and outlawed almost all political groups, including Mellat Iran and the National Front. The Pan-Iranist Party soon became the official opposition in the Majlis, with Pezeshkpour as Speaker. However, in reality, the party had very little political power and influence and its position was primarily intended to be symbolic. Beginning in the late 1960s, under the government of Amir Abbas Hoveyda, Iran mostly became a one-party dictatorship under the Imperial Resurrection Party (Rastakhiz).

          Pezeshkpour remained active in the Majlis, and spoke out against the separation of Bahrain from Iran, which Mellat Iran and many other Iranians also opposed. This opposition failed, and Bahrain separated, which resulted in the entire Persian population of Bahrain, as well as a large number of Bahraini Iranian Arabs who wished to remain with Iran, being forced to leave. Most settled in the Khuzestan province, where the Pan-Iranist Party soon began to enjoy much popularity and support. Pezeshkpour established a residence in the city of Khorramshahr, which at the time was home to some of the most exclusive neighborhoods in Iran, and which also became his base of operations. In Khuzestan the party was for the first time able to become a dominant influence, whereas in the rest of Iran, the party continued to have very little effect.

          With the onset of revolution in 1978, Pezeshkpour and other politicians who had been allied with the Shah fled the country into exile. Mohammad Reza Ameli-Tehrani, a co-founder of the party, was sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Court, and subsequently executed in May 1979. Nationalist movements such as Mellat Iran and the National Front, which had been opposed to the Shah, remained in the country and played a crucial role in the revolutionary provisional government of Mehdi Bazargan. After the Islamic Revolution of 1979 which eventually saw the rise to power of Khomeini to the position of Supreme Leader after the collapse of the provisional government, all nationalist groups, as well as socialist and communist movements such as the Tudeh Party, were banned.

          In the early 1990s, Pezeshkpour wrote a letter of apology to the new Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, stating that he wished to return to Iran and promised to stay out of politics for good. Khamenei accepted the apology and allowed Pezeshkpour to return, on the condition that he not resume his previous political activities. However, sometime afterwards Pezeshkpour became active in politics once again and reestablished the Pan-Iranist Party in Iran. He reformed the party structure and abandoned much of the old organizational ideology which Forouhar had opposed and which had originally led to the division. However, the Pan-Iranist Party and Mellat Iran did not reconcile and continued to function as separate organizations.

          In the wake of the student demonstrations of 1999, many members of the Pan-Iranist Party were arrested [1] and nine members of the party leadership, including Pezeshkpour himself, were summoned to the Islamic Revolutionary Court. The charges made against them included distribution of anti-government propaganda in the official party newspaper, National Sovereignty.

          In the summer of 2004, an attempt by a motorist, allegedly an undercover operative of the Ministry of Intelligence, on the life of Mohsen Pezeshkpour failed in front of his residence in Tehran.


          Organization

          The differences between Forouhar and Pezeshkpour lay mostly in organizational structure and policy, though there were specific ideological differences as well. Forouhar strongly believed in democracy and cooperation with other Iranian parties, including leftist-oriented groups, whereas Pezeshkpour believed in a more authoritarian approach and opposed alliances with non-nationalist organizations. However, alliances with other nationalist groups were rare or non-existent as most were officially banned (such as Mellat Iran). Under Pezeshkpour, the Pan-Iranist Party also took on a decidedly paramilitary structure, with members being assigned military ranks and titles. All active members, both male and female, wore uniforms to party functions. Forouhar also strongly opposed this, though this paramilitary nature was largely symbolic, and party members did not actually carry weapons. Ordinary members were not required to wear uniforms. Beginning in the late 1960s, Pezeshkpour also had several personal bodyguards who were assigned to protect him at all times.

          The symbol of the party was a crossed out equal sign (=), signifying inequality. This was in reference to foreign powers such as Britain and the Soviet Union, and symbolized the Pan-Iranist view that Iran must uphold its national sovereignty and interests above all else. The philosophical meaning attributed to this symbol according to the party's literature was that, in reality, there is no equality amongst nations, and that each nation must struggle to rise above all others, otherwise risking oblivion. This symbolism and philosophy also played a crucial role in the division between Forouhar and Pezeshkpour.

          Pezeshkpour was often criticized by other nationalists for having not supported Mossadegh, and for his role in the Shah's government as Speaker of Majlis, as this position had no real power. Nationalist leaders viewed the failure of his opposition to the separation of Bahrain as evidence that his function was strictly symbolic.

          When Pezeshkpour set about restoring the party after returning to Iran, he and other former party leaders renounced the former paramilitary structure of the organization as well as its authoritarianism, instead proclaiming their commitment to plurality and democracy, as well as a willingness to cooperate with other opposition groups. They continue to maintain the original party symbolism.
          نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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          • #6
            نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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            • #7
              Rastakhiz (Resurrection) is an Iranian monarchist party that was founded on March 2, 1975 by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last Shah of Iran, under the government of Prime Minister Amir Abbas Hoveyda. From its foundation until the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iran had largely been a one-party dictatorship under Rastakhiz, and every citizen was required to become a party member. The few political parties that were able to continue functioning during this era were also forced to become part of Rastakhiz.

              A youth wing, called Rastakhiz Youth, had also been established upon its formation, which Hoveyda referred to as "the instruments of Iran's development." Through this youth wing and a special task force of the party, Rastakhiz embarked upon a large-scale anti-profiteering campaign directed against the bazaari merchants, who were soon identified as "enemies of the state." In October 1975, the Shah, referring to this campaign as a "cultural movement," decreed that anti-profiteerism be made the fourteenth principle of the White Revolution. [1]

              It has been active in exile since the revolution and as with other monarchist groups, supports the reestablishment of the constitutional monarchy of 1906 in Iran. Monarchist groups are strictly banned under the government of the Islamic Republic and supporters are typically subject to imprisonment should their affiliation be made public.
              نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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              • #8


                The The Constitutionalist Party of Iran (CPI) (Persian: حزب مشروطه ايران) is a political opposition party active mainly outside Iran with the aim to establish a liberal-democratic state in Iran under the leadership of a constitutional monarchy.
                نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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                • #9
                  نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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                  • #10
                    نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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                    • #11
                      نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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                      • #12
                        نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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                        • #13
                          فرجام سخن‏
                          هويت ملى، نسبت و نوع مناسبات اعضاى جامعه سياسى را در يك مجموعه منسجم به نام ملت از يك سو و نوع رابطه‏اى كه با ساير جوامع سياسى دارد از سوى ديگر، تبيين مى‏كند. بنابراين آگاهى و سامان بخشيدن به آن يك ضرورت بشمار مى‏آيد. اگرچه هويت ملى پديده‏اى چند وجهى است و ماهيتى غير ثابت و سيّال دارد، اما فراگيرترين سطح هويت در تمامى نظام‏هاى اجتماعى است. بدين ترتيب هويت ملى بر آيند فرهنگ، سياست، اجتماع، اقتصاد و تاريخ مى‏باشد.
                          در مطالعات هويت ملى دو نگرش فرهنگى (فرهنگ محور) و سياسى (دولت محور) به كار گرفته شده است. نگرش فرهنگ محور، ناظر بر متغيرهاى فرهنگى، مثل زبان، دين، فرهنگ، ادبيات، هنر، آداب و رسوم و اعتقادات يك ملت است كه زاييده دوران طولانى (تاريخ) است. حال آن كه نگرش دولت محور، زمينه ورود به متغيرهاى سياسى را فراهم مى‏سازد. در اين نگرش هويت ملى، امرى است كه تا حد زيادى ساخته مى‏شود و در اين ميان، نقش دولت در توليد و باز توليد هويت و ارائه تفسيرهاى مختلف از آن، نقش مهمى را ايفا مى‏كند. دولت در چارچوب حاكميت ملى خود در درون واحد سياسى و سرزمين خاص، ايده‏هاى فرهنگى و هويتى را به مردم و شهروندان خود القا مى‏كند تا با بهره‏گيرى از اين احساس نيرومند به ايجاد همبستگى ملى بپردازد. بنابراين ملت‏ها فرآورده‏هاى مهندسى سياسى‏اند كه در دوران جديد و زمانى كه انسان تعريف تازه‏ترى از پديده‏هاى زيستى ارائه مى‏دهد، بنا به درخواست خود تعريف و تفسير مى‏كند.
                          نوشتار حاضر اگرچه پيش شرطهاى فرهنگى و تاريخى شكل‏گيرى هويت ملى را ناديده نمى‏گيرد، امامعتقد است هويت براساس علايق سياسى تعيين مى‏شود و از همين جهت براى فهم بحران هويت در جوامع، در كنار عوامل گوناگون، مى‏بايست به ناكامى‏هاى نظام‏هاى سياسى در تأسيسات هويتى نظر انداخت.
                          به هرروى هويت ملى به عنوان مفهومى فراگير و چند ركنى، بالاترين سطح هويت در يك واحد سياسى است. به نظر مى‏رسد مهم‏ترين عاملى كه هويت ملى را با بحران مواجه مى‏سازد در هم ريختگى لايه‏هاى هويتى در يك جامعه است؛ به طور مثال در جوامع چند پاره و ناهمگن كه سخن از چندين لايه هويتى مانند هويت‏هاى نژادى، دينى و قومى متفاوت مى‏رود، چنانچه هويت ملى قدرتمندى كه برآيند هويت‏هاى چندپاره باشد، ايجاد نشود، بحران هويت حاصل خواهد شد.
                          بحران هويت، اساسى‏ترين بحرانى است كه گريبان جوامع در حال نوسازى را مى‏گيرد. جوامع سنتى از طريق فرآيند نوسازى تغيير مى‏يابند. در دوره گذار تغيير الگوهاى رفتارى و باورهاى ارزشى به فعال شدن شكاف‏هاى اجتماعى و درهم ريختگى هويت‏هاى فروملى مى‏انجامد و تجربه بحران هويت آغاز مى‏گردد. جامعه ايرانى نيز قرن‏ها بود از همزيستى هويت ايرانى و اسلامى خود در آرامش بود تا اين كه با تمدن جديد آشنا شد. شكوفايى عصر نوزايى و تحولات شگرفى كه در اروپا رخ داد، زمانى كه به ساير جوامع رسيد، شرايطى پديد آورد كه اسباب دگرديسى در هويت آنان را رقم زد و به طور غافلگيرانه بحران هويت را به ارمغان آورد.
                          انقلاب اسلامى در ايران تا حد زيادى به اين بحران پاسخ گفت و هويت ملى را بر بنيادهاى شيعى استوار ساخت و منبع فزاينده‏اى از مشروعيت را ايجاد كرد، هرچند در سال‏هاى اخير سطوحى از بحران هويت خودنمايى مى‏كند كه مى‏بايست براى آن چاره انديشيد.
                          نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


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                          • #14
                            Intresting!
                            Thanx agha Saeid.


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                            • #15

                              thats not very Irani


                              G-d determines who walks into your life....It is up to you to decide who you let walk away, who you let stay, and who you refuse to let go.


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