Basij & Nirouy-e Entezami

[Rasputin]

Chand ta pic alan mizaram inja ta beshnasin unhai keh mardom-e Iran ro koshtan va hanuz say mikonan Iran ro kharabtar konand.

Dast-e inha beh khuneh kheili az mardha va zanhayeh irani aludeh hast. bayad bedunid keh ruzi khahad resid keh inha javab pas bedahand beh mardomeh Iran !

Khoob beh ghiafeh inha negah konid va say konid keh faramoosh nakonid keh cheghdara az hamvatanhayeh maha ro in adamha koshtan va shekanjeh dadan.

Beh omid-e azadi-e Iran-e azizeman.

[Rasputin]

فیلم سنگسار در ج ا

www***an-e-azad.org/stoning/stoning-t1.rm

[Rasputin]

Marked for death Some of Assassinations 1979-96

[Rasputin]

Afradi keh beh daste Akhundha beh ghatl residan.rah-e anha hamisheh dar del va dar fekre ma ha khahad bud.

[Rasputin]

حكم دو نوجوان از اهالى يك از شهرهاى جنوبى كه به علت ارتكاب لواط به عنف به اعدام محكوم شده بودند، در مشهد اجرا شد.

براساس اعلام مسوولان دايره اجراى احكام شعبه 19 سابق دادگاه عمومى حكم درباره م . ع و ع . م كه به علت ارتكاب سرقت، اخلال در نظم عمومي، شرب خمر و لواط به حبس، شلاق و اعدام در ملاء عام محكوم شده بودند با حضور تعداد زيادى از مردم مشهد اجرا شد.

محكومان به اعدام لحظاتى قبل از اجراى حكم در گفتوگو با خبرنگار ايسنا، منطقه خراسان با اظهار ندامت شديد از اعمالشان اظهار داشتند: چهارده ماه پيش دستگير شديم و از كار خود پشيمانيم و در حال حاضر توبه كرده ايم.

اين دو محكوم افزودند: به جوانان توصيه ميكنيم كه به فكر خانوادههاى خود به دنبال درس و زندگى باشند .

يكى از محكومان با اعلام اين مطلب كه در دادگاه به جرم خود اقرار كردهاند اظهار داشت: نميدانستيم كه ارتكاب چنين عملى موجب مجازات اعدام است.

اين محكومان به اعدام اظهار داشتند : محيط زندگى ما نامناسب بود كه خلاف و خرابكارى در آنجا رواج و گسترش دارد و اين امر باعث شد تا ما در اين وضعيت قرار بگيريم.

روح الله رزاز زاده وكيل يكى از محكومان با ادعاى اينكه موكلش كمتر از 18 سال داشته است، اظهار داشت: اين مطالب در دادگاه مورد اعتراض قرار گرفت اما سرانجام راى صادره در ديوان عالى كشور تأييد شد.

وى افزود: محكومان در دادگاه و در حضور قاضى به جرم خود اقرار كردند اما در حال حاضر سه نفر از متهمان اين پرونده متوارى هستند.

حكم شعبه 19 سابق دادگاه عمومى درباره اعدام اين دو متهم بعد از اعتراض وكلاى متهمان در ديوان عالى كشور بررسي، تاييد و در نهايت امروز اجرا شد.

[Rasputin]

در ۲۴ بهمن ۶۲ ، نيروهای ويژه تهران به رهبری اسدالله لاجوردی [در حاليکه هوانيروز اصفهان نيز در خدمت بود] ، به همراه گروه ضربت سپاه پاسداران اصفهان و فارس ، الله قلی و ياران دليرش را محاصره کردند ، اما نتوانستند آنان را به تسليم وادارند . الله قلی و همراهانش که پس از يک مبارزه قهرمانانه بيست ساعته خوش و بی پروا سوختند ــ مرگ روی پاها را بر زندگی روی زانوها ترجيح دادند

[Rasputin]

Basij & Nirouy-e Entezami (Ghatelin-e Mardom-e Iran)

Basij (or Baseej, Persian: بسيج), is an Iranian paramilitary force that was founded by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in November of 1979 to provide volunteers for shock troop units in the Iran-Iraq War. The Basij are currently a branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Basij commander Brigadier General Mohammad Hejazi estimated the number of Basij personnel at 10.3 million in March 2004 and 11 million in March 2005. On 14 September 2005 he said that the Basij has more than 11 million members across the country. Russian news sources have claimed Iran has plans to make a third ground force consisting of one million basij members. However these plans have not been confirmed by Iran.[1]

Fars News Agency reported. "Among the most important tasks of the Basij are boosting everlasting security, strengthening development infrastructures, equipping resistance bases, [and] increasing employment," Hejazi added. He described the prohibition of vice and the promotion of virtue in society as the "divine policy" of the Basij.

According to the Jordan Institute of Diplomacy and GlobalSecurity.org they enforce Iran's Islamic codes together with other law enforcement entities and have a branch in almost every Iranian mosque

Member Profile and benefits
The typical member will be male and the average age can range from 12 on up. Members of Basiji usually get a couple of months slashed off their compulsory military service, which would last 21 months for every eligible man in Iran. It is easier for the Basijis to obtain University entry due to the fact that government universities have a quota reserved for the Basijis, regardles of merit. Numerous benefits and subsidies are provided for them and their families, as social support and activities.


Members of the Basij also have preferential treatment on national transportation. By proving their membership to airline, or train staff, they can jump queues and waiting lists and obtain seats before members of the general public.

[Rasputin]

Human rights issues
The Basij have been criticised as belonging to the paramilitary forces using child soldiers because of their underage recruitment practices and for having relied extensively on "human wave" attacks during the Iran-Iraq War, particularly around Basra.[1][2][3]
Following the UNHCR "tens of thousands of Basijis had been ordered to prowl about every factory, office and school to ensure that everyone adhered to the Islamic code. [...] After the summer 1992 riots Basij units were revived, rearmed and sent out into the streets to help enforce Islamic law. The Basijis are reportedly under the control of local mosques. It was further said that the Basijis set up checkpoints around the cities and stopped cars to sniff their occupant's breath for alcohol and check for women wearing make-up or travelling with a man not their close relative or husband. It was reported that the Law of Judicial Support for the Basijis, published in the Official Gazette No. 13946 of 8.10.1371 (December 1992), provided no redress against arbitrary detention by the Basijis." Iran's permanent representative to the U.N. denied these charges.[4]
Amnesty International tells that "investigations by Parliament and the National Security Council indicated that actions by Revolutionary Guard officials and Basij (Mobilization) forces, among others, precipitated the unrest and injuries following the July 1999 students demonstrations".[5]
In 2001, a member of the Basij, Saeed Asgar attempted to assasinate Saeed Hajjarian a leading reformist and political advisor to reformist Iranian President Mohammad Khatami. Asagar was arrested and sentenced to spend 15 years in jail, but was released after spending only a short term in prison.
Human Rights Watch informs that the Basij belong to the "Parallel institutions" (nahad-e movazi), "the quasi-official organs of repression that have become increasingly open in crushing student protests, detaining activists, writers, and journalists in secret prisons, and threatening pro-democracy speakers and audiences at public events." Under the control of the Office of the Supreme Leader these groups set up arbitrary checkpoints around Tehran, uniformed police often refraining from directly confronting these plainclothes agents. "Illegal prisons, which are outside of the oversight of the National Prisons Office, are sites where political prisoners are abused, intimidated, and tortured with impunity."
On March 8 2004 the Basij issued a violent crackdown on the activists celebrating the International Women's Day in Tehran

[Rasputin]

The prevailing spin on Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's rise to Iran's presidency wrongly suggests that a win for his rivals could have ushered a dawn of enlightenment. The mainstream press has largely described Iran's competing factions as little more than vote-rigging theocrats arrayed against tolerant modernizers. In particular, strong support for Ahmadinejad among the Basij militia and Revolutionary Guard corps has earned him a reputation as a Muslim fanatic.

But there is a quite modern side to his grassroots popularity, too, that stresses non-dependent national development. Like the French and Dutch rejection of the proposed EU constitution earlier this summer, Ahmadinejad's landslide win was a vote for authenticity and against forced globalization.

At a time when rational science is trashed in America by fundamentalist evangelicals tied to the White House, Ahmadinejad won on a platform promising to double the already exploding public funding for advanced scientific research.

Those of us who chose to pay attention when last February millions of Iranians braved a snow blizzard to celebrate the anniversary of the Revolution of 1979 need not search for esoteric explanations for Ahmadinejad's overwhelming victory in the second and final round of voting.

The Basij and Guard forces are known to many among the younger half of Iran's population as breakers of student and worker protests. But a great many citizens 30 and older remember these forces for their defense of the motherland during the eight-year war with Iraq when all regional and world powers abandoned Iran and many supported Saddam Hussein.

The top vote-getter of the first round of elections, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, has in recent years used his appointed position as the head of the powerful Expediency Council to champion opening Iran's economy to massive foreign investment and "innovation."

Rafsanjani is a business tycoon and Iran's richest man who ran but failed to get enough votes for a seat in the Majlis (parliament) in 2000. Ever since his two terms as president from 1979 to 1987, Rafsanjani has been known as a defender of property rights and IMF-style "adjustments" in labor and banking laws.

The reform parties share Rafsanjani passion for privatization, deregulation, and an end to multibillion-dollar public subsidies. Eight years of reformist struggle to establish "the rule of law" showed results last December and February, when Iranian courts ruled in favor of US-based multinationals Proctor and Gamble and Time Warner in trademark infringement cases.

But the reform bloc distrusted Rafsanjani's late conversion from a social conservative insider to a Western-style candidate whose lavishly funded campaign featured fashionably dressed youth and pop music in affluent neighborhoods. Nevertheless, after Ahmadinejad's unexpected strong finish in the first round forced a runoff vote, reform parties and university-based constituencies rallied behind Rafsanjani as their default candidate.

Voting irregularities probably occurred, but not on a scale that could explain the vastly lopsided results. Liberal skeptics have forgotten that their favorite in 1997 -- the now-outgoing President Mohammad Khatami -- ran against an unyielding Islamist insider and won, even though he was barely known outside Tehran until the last days before the elections.

Few analysts based in Iran deny that a combination of the country's rising oil revenue and market reforms has in recent years widened disparities in wealth and opportunity. As in the pre-revolutionary years of the 1970s, citizens at the losing end blame the least pious players on the political stage for their misery.

That, and the Bush administration's veiled threats against Iran, have saved populist religious ideologues from losing considerable grassroots support. Significantly, the reform faction's all-out effort to use "religious intolerance" as a wedge issue did not prevent thousands of stylishly dressed young women from voting for Ahmadinejad.

To millions of voters of modest means, Ahmadinejad symbolizes resistance to the anti-democratic global free-trade elite with whom the relatively secular reform movement has aligned itself. Several leading reform figures who eulogized the Pope John Paul II as a beacon of enlightenment affirmed their appetite for the White House version of social progress. But theirs was not the kind of "tolerance" that most Iranians thirst for.

Ahmadinejad's constituency apparently does not buy his rivals' argument that the best way to reduce unemployment is to stimulate economic growth -- now about five percent annually -- with enough concessions to Washington to have the US trade sanctions lifted.

Ahmadinejad insists on government loans to small businesses and better distribution of wealth as the primary engines of job creation. His emphasis on economic justice contrasts with the importance of social freedoms to the reformers. His proposed welfare state is an answer to their "civil society."

The reform faction's declaration of the "end of ideology" over a decade ago was apparently premature and its focus on elite political prisoners has not resonated among the working majority. Borrowing a page from American neocons, reformist intellectuals blame Iran's lagging development on people's cultural habits. According to this anti-populist school, public affairs are best left to the "rational" educated class, whose members are slowly daring to wear neckties again.

As in France (and the United States), Iran's movement against neo-liberalism includes tendencies that are regressive. But condemning the religious devotion of Ahmadinejad's grassroots constituency without acknowledging its legitimate demands would be the kind of short-sidedness that left Americans unprepared for the Iranian revolution a quarter century ago. After all, Islamist extremism did not gather momentum for over a millennium until the age of Western conquest got underway.

What's more, in Iran, the mandatory women's shrouds spread with urbanization and Westernization and were not a custom of the "backward" majority rural population. Instead of the tired routine of blaming voters' old-fashioned faith for restrictions on women's and journalists' rights, we should insist on de-coupling such urgent rights from the reformers' elitist, neoliberal agenda.

[donsaeid]

بَسیج به سازمان شبهنظامیای گفته میشود که اولین بار توسط سپاه پاسداران انقلاب اسلامی در ایران و برای ارسال نیروهای داوطلب به صورت سازماندهی شده به جبهههای جنگ ایران و عراق تشکیل شد. بسیج و نیروهای آن بارها به خاطر خدماتشان به نظام جمهوری اسلامی توسط روح الله خمینی و سید علی خامنهای مورد تشویق و مدح قرار گرفتند.

بعد از پایان جنگ ایران و عراق از نیروهای بسیجی برای مواقع ضروری مانند سرکوب جوانان و مخالفان داخلی, دانشجویان و به عنوان آلترناتیوی برای ارتش ایران استفاده شد.

بسیج جدا از یک جایگاه دولتی بیشتر به قشر جوان مذهبی که تابع آیتالله خامنهای می باشد اطلاق میگردد. قابل ذکر است که سید علی خامنهای خود را یک بسیجی میخواند.

چفیه عربهای خوزستان به عنوان یکی از سمبولهای نیروهای بسیجی وفادار به نظام جمهوری اسلامی مورد استفاده قرار میگیرد.




فهرست بسیجیان معروف

* سید علی خامنهای
* محمود احمدی نژاد
* حسین الله کرم
* حسن عباسی
* حسین فهمیده
* حسین شریعتمداری
* مسعود دهنمکی



زندگی با بسیج

* بسیج مستضعفان نام یک طرح حکومتی و سازمان است.
* بسیج دانشجویی نام یک طرح حکومتی است.
* بسیج مهندسی نام یک طرح حکومتی است.
* بسیج دانشآموزی نام یک طرح حکومتی است.
* بسیج کارمندی نام یک طرح حکومتی است
* بسیج کارگری نام یک طرح حکومتی است
* بسیج مساجد نام یک طرح حکومتی است
* بسیج محلات نام یک طرح حکومتی است

[donsaeid]

What is Basij?
Basij is a voluntary force, which was founded by Late Imam Khomeini in 1980, one year after the Islamic Revolution.
The main purpose for it's foundation was to develop moral values, unity and self sufficiency in the Muslim Ummah specially among the young generation. Basij has played a vital role in revival of Islamic traditions and beliefs in the community.
With the beginning of the 8 year old Iraqi imposed war against Iran, need of organizing a nation wide civil defense force was aroused.
Now Basij is stretched out in all around the country in all ways of life.

THE BSO!
Basij Students Organization was founded by the founder of the Islamic Revolution Late Imam Khomeini in 1988. Basij Students Organization, exists in all Universities, colleges and Higher education institutes. BSO is part of the world Basij organization.

Who is Basiji?
Every Muslim who bears sympathy and love for the humankind and is definite to stand for their rights.

Our aim is to develop human skills and abilities in students in order to gain self sufficiency.

[donsaeid]

The other side of meanings about basij:

[donsaeid]

[Rasputin]

[donsaeid]

ye chizo be hameye iran forosha begam... doroste shayad chiza ontor ke gharar bod beshe nashod...

AMA age bekhatere Basiji va sepahi dar aghaze salhaye enghelab nabod iran to daste Iraq oftade bod. age on javanane shakiba jone khodeshono to kafe dasteshon nazashte bodan va be az tak take cm az iran ba jon va khone khodeshon defa nakarde bodan alan keshvari be esme iran nabod.

Bas Dorood Bar Basiji