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Despite the Ayatolah's claim to the contrary, in practice polygamy seems not to provide protection for more women, but merely to displace mothers and children to make room for other potential mothers. "My father married seven wives" states another letter "he just threw us out when he married the next one. My mother, her daughter and her son, have has to fend for themselves. We were left on the streets and have never had a home since" (Z 21.7.84).
It is not only the first wife and her children who are traumatized by the experience; young brides often fare equally badly. One such wrote to Zaneh Rouz saying that her father-in-law is for ever telling her husband that she is passed her best and it is time for him to have another one "I live in fear for being turned out" she wrote. Another 18-years-old wife wrote to Zaneh Rouz "we have been married for eight months, I am six months pregnant and he has thrown me out" (Z 21.7.84). Another letter from a 17-yearsold schoolgirl tells of her polygamous marriage to a 45-years-old man "My parents married me off against my will. He kept me for three months. During this time I never felt like a wife settling in her new home. All he wanted was to use and abuse me; he played with me like a doll and did as he pleased. I cannot bring myself to tell you the things he did to me; all I can say is that I was a cheap toy to him. This man trampled over all my dreams and heartlessly tore me apart in his headlong pursuit of lust. Now he has left me
without anything in this life. My eyes had never known tears before but all I can do now is cry for my lost youth" (2.9.84).
Divorce
The Islamic Utopia in Iran has once more empowered men to divorce their wives at will. Since the majority of women have marriage contracts which has not specifically given them the right to initiate divorce, they are unable to benefit from the potential flexibility of Islamic marriages and divorce their husbands.
In theory women who experience mental incompatibility or religious disaccord or 'marital problems' can appeal to the Family Court to ask for a divorce. But they need to convince the male clerics who preside in these courts that 'the marriage has imposed an unbearable burden and an unacceptable demand on the wife' (Ayatolah Saneyi, the Public Prosecutor, quoted in K 29.3.83) ; given the current ideology of marriage and domesticity, it would be difficult if not impossible to present such proof. In practice there are only three acceptable grounds for divorce initiated by women: male impotence, male barrenness and desertion. Impotence remains a relatively simple matter, it must be certified by a doctor and is generally accepted as valid grounds for divorce. Male barrenness requires not only a doctor's evidence, but also a five-year trial period of the marriage for the man to prove conclusively that he is barren. Desertion was also subject to a four-years waiting period, this has finally been moved. Now five days absence without good cause by the husband is sufficient grounds to allow the wife to initiate divorce proceedings.
Desertion has for long been commonplace in Iran. This is in part because strictly speaking Muslim men can divorce their wives in the presence of two men without necessarily informing the women concerned 'see HA). In the 1960s and 1970s, desertion was identified as the primary cause for prostitution in Tehran (Report on the survey conducted by Tehran School of Social Work KI 10.6.72). There is no reason to think that the situation has changed, despite death sentences meted out to many prostitutes.
Although it is now possible for deserted wives to obtain a formal divorce, in the absence of a husband there is no-one to pay the mahre. Islamic law stipulates that deserted women should receive a widow's pension, but the Islamic Republic has been more eager in its legislation of harsh and retributive Islamic law than taking any step towards obstructing the welfare measures required by Islam.
The government appears to have concentrated on draconian measures which are now implemented at the expense of justice. This is clearly illustrated by many of the decisions of the Family Courts. One example is the granting of the right of custody to all fathers at all times. An article in Zaneh Rouz justified male custody by explaining that it made divorce more difficult. 'We
know that divorce imposes a heavy burden or child rearing on the man. The man caught in the infernal trap of a bad marriage, fired by the wrong doings of an evil wife and the harsh prospect of bringing up his children' will, according to Abasali Akhtari, a leading cleric, chose to keep the bad wife rather than have custody. But even when these fallacious statements are proven conclusively false, the regime remains determined to continue this practice. Zaneh Rouz published the case history of a man who had a long record of domestic violence and clearly lacked the competence to take care of his children. Nevertheless, the courts rejected the mother's plea and gave him custody; he proceeded to kill all three children. When Ayatolah Moussavi Bojnourdi, a well known member of the judiciary, was asked to comment on this case, he replied "according to religious and legal requirements the father is entitled to have custody of his children after the stipulated age. The courts can only implement the law' (7.7.84). The same laws have already enabled fathers to murder their offspring without fear of punishment.
Conclusions
The Islamic Republic in Iran has created two classes of citizens; the male who benefits from the provisions of Islamic law and justice and the female who does not. With the sole exception of the right to vote, Iranian women are in all other respects formerly recognised as second class citizens who have no place in the public arena and no security in the domestic sphere. The husband has become an absolute ruler, entitled to exercise the power of life and death in his home.
Women are now legitimate sex objects, excluded from most paid employment and chained with ever increasing social and ideological ties to the uncertainties of Islamic marriage. Iranian women have little to lose and everything to gain by opposing the regime and its dicta concerning women. Thus despite the draconian measures, many women still refuse to don the veil, many others continue to fight for their jobs and some even try to initiate divorce proceedings and leave their homes. Although the resistance is still fragmented, there are many secret women's societies currently agitating in Iran and publishing material and working to undermine the regime. Although they have been labeled as seditious, corrupt and servants of foreign powers and dealt with mercilessly when caught, there is still a remnant of pre-Revolutionary women organising and fighting and developing a new embryonic women's movement to fight against the regime in
Iran.
From the: Asian regional conference on women and the household
Indian Statistical Institute, New Delhi
State ideology, the media, the household and women
by Haleh Afshar
It is not only the first wife and her children who are traumatized by the experience; young brides often fare equally badly. One such wrote to Zaneh Rouz saying that her father-in-law is for ever telling her husband that she is passed her best and it is time for him to have another one "I live in fear for being turned out" she wrote. Another 18-years-old wife wrote to Zaneh Rouz "we have been married for eight months, I am six months pregnant and he has thrown me out" (Z 21.7.84). Another letter from a 17-yearsold schoolgirl tells of her polygamous marriage to a 45-years-old man "My parents married me off against my will. He kept me for three months. During this time I never felt like a wife settling in her new home. All he wanted was to use and abuse me; he played with me like a doll and did as he pleased. I cannot bring myself to tell you the things he did to me; all I can say is that I was a cheap toy to him. This man trampled over all my dreams and heartlessly tore me apart in his headlong pursuit of lust. Now he has left me
without anything in this life. My eyes had never known tears before but all I can do now is cry for my lost youth" (2.9.84).
Divorce
The Islamic Utopia in Iran has once more empowered men to divorce their wives at will. Since the majority of women have marriage contracts which has not specifically given them the right to initiate divorce, they are unable to benefit from the potential flexibility of Islamic marriages and divorce their husbands.
In theory women who experience mental incompatibility or religious disaccord or 'marital problems' can appeal to the Family Court to ask for a divorce. But they need to convince the male clerics who preside in these courts that 'the marriage has imposed an unbearable burden and an unacceptable demand on the wife' (Ayatolah Saneyi, the Public Prosecutor, quoted in K 29.3.83) ; given the current ideology of marriage and domesticity, it would be difficult if not impossible to present such proof. In practice there are only three acceptable grounds for divorce initiated by women: male impotence, male barrenness and desertion. Impotence remains a relatively simple matter, it must be certified by a doctor and is generally accepted as valid grounds for divorce. Male barrenness requires not only a doctor's evidence, but also a five-year trial period of the marriage for the man to prove conclusively that he is barren. Desertion was also subject to a four-years waiting period, this has finally been moved. Now five days absence without good cause by the husband is sufficient grounds to allow the wife to initiate divorce proceedings.
Desertion has for long been commonplace in Iran. This is in part because strictly speaking Muslim men can divorce their wives in the presence of two men without necessarily informing the women concerned 'see HA). In the 1960s and 1970s, desertion was identified as the primary cause for prostitution in Tehran (Report on the survey conducted by Tehran School of Social Work KI 10.6.72). There is no reason to think that the situation has changed, despite death sentences meted out to many prostitutes.
Although it is now possible for deserted wives to obtain a formal divorce, in the absence of a husband there is no-one to pay the mahre. Islamic law stipulates that deserted women should receive a widow's pension, but the Islamic Republic has been more eager in its legislation of harsh and retributive Islamic law than taking any step towards obstructing the welfare measures required by Islam.
The government appears to have concentrated on draconian measures which are now implemented at the expense of justice. This is clearly illustrated by many of the decisions of the Family Courts. One example is the granting of the right of custody to all fathers at all times. An article in Zaneh Rouz justified male custody by explaining that it made divorce more difficult. 'We
know that divorce imposes a heavy burden or child rearing on the man. The man caught in the infernal trap of a bad marriage, fired by the wrong doings of an evil wife and the harsh prospect of bringing up his children' will, according to Abasali Akhtari, a leading cleric, chose to keep the bad wife rather than have custody. But even when these fallacious statements are proven conclusively false, the regime remains determined to continue this practice. Zaneh Rouz published the case history of a man who had a long record of domestic violence and clearly lacked the competence to take care of his children. Nevertheless, the courts rejected the mother's plea and gave him custody; he proceeded to kill all three children. When Ayatolah Moussavi Bojnourdi, a well known member of the judiciary, was asked to comment on this case, he replied "according to religious and legal requirements the father is entitled to have custody of his children after the stipulated age. The courts can only implement the law' (7.7.84). The same laws have already enabled fathers to murder their offspring without fear of punishment.
Conclusions
The Islamic Republic in Iran has created two classes of citizens; the male who benefits from the provisions of Islamic law and justice and the female who does not. With the sole exception of the right to vote, Iranian women are in all other respects formerly recognised as second class citizens who have no place in the public arena and no security in the domestic sphere. The husband has become an absolute ruler, entitled to exercise the power of life and death in his home.
Women are now legitimate sex objects, excluded from most paid employment and chained with ever increasing social and ideological ties to the uncertainties of Islamic marriage. Iranian women have little to lose and everything to gain by opposing the regime and its dicta concerning women. Thus despite the draconian measures, many women still refuse to don the veil, many others continue to fight for their jobs and some even try to initiate divorce proceedings and leave their homes. Although the resistance is still fragmented, there are many secret women's societies currently agitating in Iran and publishing material and working to undermine the regime. Although they have been labeled as seditious, corrupt and servants of foreign powers and dealt with mercilessly when caught, there is still a remnant of pre-Revolutionary women organising and fighting and developing a new embryonic women's movement to fight against the regime in
Iran.
From the: Asian regional conference on women and the household
Indian Statistical Institute, New Delhi
State ideology, the media, the household and women
by Haleh Afshar
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