Since 1979, a very fast growing majority of the Iranian female population of different social backgrounds, ethnics and religious minorities identified as "Bad hijab" are, in their day-to-day lives, suffering from the imposition of the Islamic hijab. Since the existence of the Islamic regime, not a day has passed without attack, physical assault, arrest, acid throwing, harassment and psychological pressure of women in Iran. The Islamic Republic of Iran has clearly specified that, for women, no other sort of dress is acceptable except the Islamic hijab
The sickening growth of violence against women in Iran has drastically limited the conditions of work, education, art, sport, entertainment and general freedom of social life for women. The reason why Islam lays great emphasis on hijab is to avoid unnecessary contacts between a Muslim woman with a "Non-Mahram" or being alone with him ("Khalwah/Khalvat").
The dogma of "Non-Mahram" is the pivotal point of Islamic hijab. In my article I use "Non-Mahram" as an important word. It is both noun and adjective. It describes the men or women with whom an Islamic adult person can marry "marriageable". For a Muslim person, much stricter for women, considering this issue, there are two groups of people in the world.
The first group's members are not marriageable or "Mahrams" like husband/wife, parents, grand-parents, children, brothers/sisters, uncles/aunts, grand-children, stepchildren, parents-in-law and stepparents. The Muslim adult woman is not obliged to wear hijab in front of their eyes and the Muslim man is not obliged to lower his gaze.
The second group called "Non-Mahram" is any other adult living man or woman on earth. A Muslim woman should wear hijab in front of all adult and male members of this group and with whom she and the Muslim man are not permitted to be in any sort of contact or being alone "Khalwah" except in the extreme cases where chastity and low gaze are to be respected according to many "Surahs" in Koran and narrations from the Prophet of Islam. It was narrated that the Prophet of Islam banned one of his wives to see her "Non-Mahram" cousin who was previously her fiancé.
Wearing a headdress was a long tradition of European women, a status symbol from the upper classes that attracted the envy of those less privileged than themselves. This is however not comparable with the Islamic hijab derived from the dogma of Non-Mahram with no privilege or attraction for women.
Asserting "Non-Mahram" dogma in Islam is not unrelated to the Prophet's bothers with his harem, as described by Ali Dashti in his book "Bisto-Seh Saal" (23 Years), which can make any Muslim convert into a non-Muslim, the Prophet used accordingly many verses of "Surah Ahzaab" to consolidate his position against his very younger wives and to force them into absolute obedience and chastity, as they are the "Mothers of Believers".
In his demand for chastity no standard of Islamic dress has been mentioned while banning, through "God's word", his wives to remarry after his death. The idea of definitive segregation between his own harem and "Non-Mahrams", seems to be his own human obsession.
Islam spread by the sword. Islamic invaders galloped and trampled down many new territories from where they brought home booties, slaves and, specially, an image of strong Arab man as a hard warrior, an identity that has proudly emerged as the norm for a primitive, patriarchal clan society, yet also an Empire that necessitates a harsh and cruel judicial system for a world system which has been created by and for strong men which meant that there could not be parallel room for women to become equivalent to men.
Besides the ban of female infanticide all traditional misogynous measures of Islamic laws, including the Islamic hijab, were from now on the institutionalised sacred norms.
The dogma of "Non-Mahram" has considerably influenced not only Islamic code of behaviour and dress but also it has been marked in the Islamic architecture. A typical Muslim house is built around a central, mostly rectangular, courtyard. The interior space is important not the outside. Part of the house is separated for females. The men's reception (or guest) room tends to be located next to the entrance lobby of the house so that "Non-Mahram" visitors do not meet the females. The windows are inside not outside of the house so that eye contact between "Non-Mahrams" does not happen. In the big house where several generations can dwell together measures should be taken into account that the contact between "Non-Mahrams " like cousins or brother/sister-in-law of opposite sex dwellers does not lead to temptation.
More strict than a traditional Islamic house, marks of "Non-Mahram" segregation can be seen in Islamic palaces where no access to the harem area of "Non-Mahram"; except for castrated servants, was possible.
Paintings, frescos, music, theatre, ceremonies..., in the palaces should respect the red line of "Non-Mahram" dogma around the woman's body, which should be the impenetrable line separating a Muslim woman from a "Non-MMahram's" visual and acoustic field. Therefore no female statute or bust was on display, no role for a female in theatre, no female singer or musician,… - from which a collective style of art was generated and extended into the society.
Moral words were created in or around these houses or palaces, at least in Iran, "Namus, Hormat, Khairat, etc" initially referring to the red line of "Non-Mahram" dogma caused character formation in the popular culture. A Muslim "Khirati" would not permit a female member of his "Mahram" circle- likes daughter/sister/wife, to be in any sort of contact with "Non-Mahrams"; she should not go out unless for a convincible reason, she should not be alone or talk to "Non-Mahrams".
The insults attributed to female "Mahrams" like "Maadar/Khahar/Ameh...", together with the first group of moral words, difficult to be translated into non Islamic languages, are to violate sexually the red line of some one's "Mahram".
Schools "Madrasseh" were initially then preferably built for male Muslim children. Except in liberal or less Islamic societies, the schools should respect the aim of the "Non-Mahram" dogma avoiding mixed-sex schools that may lead to children's temptation.
Very contrary to the phobia of temptation staged by the "Non-Mahram" dogma of sex-segregation, and based on Freudian psychoanalysis, such a sex-separation not only reduces the learning efficiency but also damages the normal sequence of developmental stages of children and can lead to later different sexual perversities . Sexual frustration can transform into sadism, aggression or blind obedience as remarked in religious or authoritarian societies described by W. Reich.
Low rate of sexual crimes in Iranian rural population, comparable with cities, is an obvious example for rejecting of "Non-Mahram" dogma focusing on the idea of temptation. In fact despite being governed by the IRI, peasant and Bedouin women neither wear hijab, nor are they locked away in the house.
All of those measures that lead to the sex-segregation in the Islamic world are reflected from the dogma of "Non-MMahram", a deep established belief system effecting and colouring many aspects of social norms. It is as dogma, a social phenomenon with stereotyped resonances reflecting stronger and more absolute than its origin, the Islamic belief itself.
The effects of sex-segregation as resonance of the "Non-Mahram" dogma have had also crucial results on the social backwardness. As a psychological effect, a group of mixed-sex persons behaves not only socially but also in performance very differently from a group of same sex. Considering only the factor of mixture, the first group is more motivated and more efficient than the second one. The women's non active participation in economy and production of social needs is another reason for backwardness. The secluded Muslim woman would not be a pattern symbol for her children's understanding of modernity, progress and democracy.
However such points cannot convince the conscious or unconscious followers of "Non-Mahram" dogma who in the consequent logic of Islamic religion believe that shaking hands with a "Non-Mahram" is also not permissible.
The sickening growth of violence against women in Iran has drastically limited the conditions of work, education, art, sport, entertainment and general freedom of social life for women. The reason why Islam lays great emphasis on hijab is to avoid unnecessary contacts between a Muslim woman with a "Non-Mahram" or being alone with him ("Khalwah/Khalvat").
The dogma of "Non-Mahram" is the pivotal point of Islamic hijab. In my article I use "Non-Mahram" as an important word. It is both noun and adjective. It describes the men or women with whom an Islamic adult person can marry "marriageable". For a Muslim person, much stricter for women, considering this issue, there are two groups of people in the world.
The first group's members are not marriageable or "Mahrams" like husband/wife, parents, grand-parents, children, brothers/sisters, uncles/aunts, grand-children, stepchildren, parents-in-law and stepparents. The Muslim adult woman is not obliged to wear hijab in front of their eyes and the Muslim man is not obliged to lower his gaze.
The second group called "Non-Mahram" is any other adult living man or woman on earth. A Muslim woman should wear hijab in front of all adult and male members of this group and with whom she and the Muslim man are not permitted to be in any sort of contact or being alone "Khalwah" except in the extreme cases where chastity and low gaze are to be respected according to many "Surahs" in Koran and narrations from the Prophet of Islam. It was narrated that the Prophet of Islam banned one of his wives to see her "Non-Mahram" cousin who was previously her fiancé.
Wearing a headdress was a long tradition of European women, a status symbol from the upper classes that attracted the envy of those less privileged than themselves. This is however not comparable with the Islamic hijab derived from the dogma of Non-Mahram with no privilege or attraction for women.
Asserting "Non-Mahram" dogma in Islam is not unrelated to the Prophet's bothers with his harem, as described by Ali Dashti in his book "Bisto-Seh Saal" (23 Years), which can make any Muslim convert into a non-Muslim, the Prophet used accordingly many verses of "Surah Ahzaab" to consolidate his position against his very younger wives and to force them into absolute obedience and chastity, as they are the "Mothers of Believers".
In his demand for chastity no standard of Islamic dress has been mentioned while banning, through "God's word", his wives to remarry after his death. The idea of definitive segregation between his own harem and "Non-Mahrams", seems to be his own human obsession.
Islam spread by the sword. Islamic invaders galloped and trampled down many new territories from where they brought home booties, slaves and, specially, an image of strong Arab man as a hard warrior, an identity that has proudly emerged as the norm for a primitive, patriarchal clan society, yet also an Empire that necessitates a harsh and cruel judicial system for a world system which has been created by and for strong men which meant that there could not be parallel room for women to become equivalent to men.
Besides the ban of female infanticide all traditional misogynous measures of Islamic laws, including the Islamic hijab, were from now on the institutionalised sacred norms.
The dogma of "Non-Mahram" has considerably influenced not only Islamic code of behaviour and dress but also it has been marked in the Islamic architecture. A typical Muslim house is built around a central, mostly rectangular, courtyard. The interior space is important not the outside. Part of the house is separated for females. The men's reception (or guest) room tends to be located next to the entrance lobby of the house so that "Non-Mahram" visitors do not meet the females. The windows are inside not outside of the house so that eye contact between "Non-Mahrams" does not happen. In the big house where several generations can dwell together measures should be taken into account that the contact between "Non-Mahrams " like cousins or brother/sister-in-law of opposite sex dwellers does not lead to temptation.
More strict than a traditional Islamic house, marks of "Non-Mahram" segregation can be seen in Islamic palaces where no access to the harem area of "Non-Mahram"; except for castrated servants, was possible.
Paintings, frescos, music, theatre, ceremonies..., in the palaces should respect the red line of "Non-Mahram" dogma around the woman's body, which should be the impenetrable line separating a Muslim woman from a "Non-MMahram's" visual and acoustic field. Therefore no female statute or bust was on display, no role for a female in theatre, no female singer or musician,… - from which a collective style of art was generated and extended into the society.
Moral words were created in or around these houses or palaces, at least in Iran, "Namus, Hormat, Khairat, etc" initially referring to the red line of "Non-Mahram" dogma caused character formation in the popular culture. A Muslim "Khirati" would not permit a female member of his "Mahram" circle- likes daughter/sister/wife, to be in any sort of contact with "Non-Mahrams"; she should not go out unless for a convincible reason, she should not be alone or talk to "Non-Mahrams".
The insults attributed to female "Mahrams" like "Maadar/Khahar/Ameh...", together with the first group of moral words, difficult to be translated into non Islamic languages, are to violate sexually the red line of some one's "Mahram".
Schools "Madrasseh" were initially then preferably built for male Muslim children. Except in liberal or less Islamic societies, the schools should respect the aim of the "Non-Mahram" dogma avoiding mixed-sex schools that may lead to children's temptation.
Very contrary to the phobia of temptation staged by the "Non-Mahram" dogma of sex-segregation, and based on Freudian psychoanalysis, such a sex-separation not only reduces the learning efficiency but also damages the normal sequence of developmental stages of children and can lead to later different sexual perversities . Sexual frustration can transform into sadism, aggression or blind obedience as remarked in religious or authoritarian societies described by W. Reich.
Low rate of sexual crimes in Iranian rural population, comparable with cities, is an obvious example for rejecting of "Non-Mahram" dogma focusing on the idea of temptation. In fact despite being governed by the IRI, peasant and Bedouin women neither wear hijab, nor are they locked away in the house.
All of those measures that lead to the sex-segregation in the Islamic world are reflected from the dogma of "Non-MMahram", a deep established belief system effecting and colouring many aspects of social norms. It is as dogma, a social phenomenon with stereotyped resonances reflecting stronger and more absolute than its origin, the Islamic belief itself.
The effects of sex-segregation as resonance of the "Non-Mahram" dogma have had also crucial results on the social backwardness. As a psychological effect, a group of mixed-sex persons behaves not only socially but also in performance very differently from a group of same sex. Considering only the factor of mixture, the first group is more motivated and more efficient than the second one. The women's non active participation in economy and production of social needs is another reason for backwardness. The secluded Muslim woman would not be a pattern symbol for her children's understanding of modernity, progress and democracy.
However such points cannot convince the conscious or unconscious followers of "Non-Mahram" dogma who in the consequent logic of Islamic religion believe that shaking hands with a "Non-Mahram" is also not permissible.
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