FP: Tell us a bit about your background.
Majedi: I was born in Iran. My father was an atheist and left political activist, my mother a religious Muslim. I was influenced by my father a great deal and became an activist from my teen years, both against the dictatorship in Iran and for women's rights. The Iranian revolution had a great impact on my life as on many others. I became more absorbed in political activities. I opposed the Islamic regime from the outset. I was working actively against the restriction the regime was imposing on women, and also working with a left political organization.
In 1982 the security forces were pursuing my husband and I, so we had to escape. In 1984 we moved to Europe. In Europe I have continued my activities uninterruptedly against the Islamic Republic, against political Islam, for women's rights, for secularism and a more egalitarian and libertarian society.
I have published many articles, mostly in Persian, but also in English. I have participated in many international conferences around the issues of my work, been interviewed by international media. I have published journals, worked in alternative media. I have three children.
FP: Can you talk a bit about the regime in Iran? What is its totalitarian nature and who are the primary victims?
Majedi: The Islamic regime came to power in 1979. Contrary to common belief, the Islamic regime was not the outcome of the 1979 Revolution in Iran; it came to power as a result of the revolution's failure. The 1979 revolution did not take place because people were anti-western and wanted a religious-cleric regime in Iran. The revolution's main demands were about freedom, justice, and more economic, social and political equality. People were fed up with dictatorship, security police, torture and corruption under the Shah. Judging by this, it becomes clear that people did not aspire to an Islamic regime, they were duped to it.
Having said that, an Islamic regime came to power after the revolution with freedom and justice on its agenda, but it could only organize a very brutal suppression of the whole population, in order to establish the kind of regime that we witness today. First it cracked down on the left under the name of revolution. A very clever tactic. It played on the left's anti-imperialist sentiments, thus the occupation of the American Embassy. It clamped down on the women's movement. It silenced it for a good decade. It crushed any worker's strike and protest.
In June 1981 it organized a bloody coup d'etat-like offensive on people, a similar situation to Indonesia in the 60s or Chile in 1973. Thousands of people were summarily executed all over the country, mainly the youth. Among the people who were killed, there were many children as young as 12-13. The murder balance sheet of this bloody regime will be exposed once it is toppled.
To make a long story short, the Islamic regime has suppressed every section of the society. Women were its first victims along with the left. Any opposition voice has been brutally crushed. However, in the past decade the balance of power has changed. Gradually, different social movements have become more and more active and raised their voices. Just recently we had a great show of force by the students in different universities around the country. The slogans were: freedom, equality, no to war, Women's liberation is society's liberation, universities are not army garrisons, free jailed students! The student's movement is unified with women's movement and workers' movement, etc. Every day there is a workers' strike in few factories. Teachers are protesting against poor wages and for more freedom, nurses are the same. Women's rights movement is very strong and vibrant.
The Islamic regime is in very deep economic crisis. By the regime's own conservative estimates, more than half of the population lives under the poverty line. It is not capable of acting as a state to run the economy and process of accumulation. There is no political or social confidence for investors, Iranian or foreign investment.
Politically, the regime is in crisis too. The great majority of people despise it. They want to get rid of it. They are trying to topple it. As a result the balance of power between the people and the regime has shifted considerably.
It is also in deep cultural-ideological crisis. People do not want a religious state. There is a strong secular movement in Iran. Women and the youth are particularly interested in a secular state. Religion is a subject of mockery among the public.
FP: So what is happening with women's rights in Iran?
Majedi: A lot. Since the Islamic Republic came to power almost 29 years ago, women's issues have been on the political agenda of both the state and women's activists. The so-called woman question is a recurrent issue in the society. The Islamic regime made its mission to strip women of all their rights. At the time of the old regime, women were deprived and discriminated against, as well. However, the old regime had made some minor reforms regarding women's rights in the family. Islamists were incredibly indignant by this act. Khomeini had strongly criticized the Shah (the king) for these reforms.
The new state's first directive was to order women to wear the veil. It happened on 8 March 1979, one month after it came to power. This started a whole new women's movement, a movement that has increasingly become more vibrant, dynamic, expressive and resilient. The women's rights movement in Iran is very large and widespread. I believe it is at the moment the most active and strongest women's movement in the world. It has deep roots in the society and not only among women but men as well. I am certain that this movement will have a great impact on the situation of women in the Middle East. Its fight against political Islam will cross the borders and influence women's struggle in countries under the rule of Islam.
I have been saying that the treatment of women in the hands of the Islamic regime is the barometer of the general political situation in the country. Any time the regime is planning an assault on the people and the opposition, women are first in the line of attack. The questions of the veil and gender apartheid are two prominent socio-political issues. Almost every day we witness a conflict or clash between women and the morality police. Women are in the forefront of opposition against the Islamic regime.
FP: The Iranian regime recently increased its ban on Western music. Why do you think music represent such a threat to political Islam?
Majedi: Islam by nature is against music and happiness. This is a known fact. However, contrary to common belief that describes it as fundamentalist, the Islamic regime is a very pragmatist entity. In its life time it has made many principal shifts to save itself politically. At numerous times it has bent the dogma to achieve a political goal. Khomeini was the master of manipulation and pragmatism.
The emphasis here is on "western". Its ideological grip on the society depends on a strong anti-western value system. Political Islam as a political movement is anti-western and plays on peoples' real grievances in the region against American aggression in order to present itself as an „anti-imperialist‰ force. Unfortunately it has increasingly been successful since September 11 tragic event to portray itself as such. The military attack on Iraq and then Lebanon and the discrimination against Arabs and whoever is considered Muslim have helped political Islam considerably.
We should recognize these fundamental distinctions and try and expose the two poles. People in the region are frustrated and despise the existing international order which imposes injustices upon them. They are against US policies regarding its unconditional defense of Israel, for the misery it has inflicted on the people of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Lebanon and for its active support of the reactionary dictatorships in the region.
In the absence of any progressive, egalitarian, libertarian and secular force, due to brutal political suppression of these forces, people turn to the only existing alternative, i.e. political Islam. They choose between whoever seems to them to be the lesser evil. This is the outcome of the dictatorial regimes in the region which are actively supported by the US and the west.
Majedi: I was born in Iran. My father was an atheist and left political activist, my mother a religious Muslim. I was influenced by my father a great deal and became an activist from my teen years, both against the dictatorship in Iran and for women's rights. The Iranian revolution had a great impact on my life as on many others. I became more absorbed in political activities. I opposed the Islamic regime from the outset. I was working actively against the restriction the regime was imposing on women, and also working with a left political organization.
In 1982 the security forces were pursuing my husband and I, so we had to escape. In 1984 we moved to Europe. In Europe I have continued my activities uninterruptedly against the Islamic Republic, against political Islam, for women's rights, for secularism and a more egalitarian and libertarian society.
I have published many articles, mostly in Persian, but also in English. I have participated in many international conferences around the issues of my work, been interviewed by international media. I have published journals, worked in alternative media. I have three children.
FP: Can you talk a bit about the regime in Iran? What is its totalitarian nature and who are the primary victims?
Majedi: The Islamic regime came to power in 1979. Contrary to common belief, the Islamic regime was not the outcome of the 1979 Revolution in Iran; it came to power as a result of the revolution's failure. The 1979 revolution did not take place because people were anti-western and wanted a religious-cleric regime in Iran. The revolution's main demands were about freedom, justice, and more economic, social and political equality. People were fed up with dictatorship, security police, torture and corruption under the Shah. Judging by this, it becomes clear that people did not aspire to an Islamic regime, they were duped to it.
Having said that, an Islamic regime came to power after the revolution with freedom and justice on its agenda, but it could only organize a very brutal suppression of the whole population, in order to establish the kind of regime that we witness today. First it cracked down on the left under the name of revolution. A very clever tactic. It played on the left's anti-imperialist sentiments, thus the occupation of the American Embassy. It clamped down on the women's movement. It silenced it for a good decade. It crushed any worker's strike and protest.
In June 1981 it organized a bloody coup d'etat-like offensive on people, a similar situation to Indonesia in the 60s or Chile in 1973. Thousands of people were summarily executed all over the country, mainly the youth. Among the people who were killed, there were many children as young as 12-13. The murder balance sheet of this bloody regime will be exposed once it is toppled.
To make a long story short, the Islamic regime has suppressed every section of the society. Women were its first victims along with the left. Any opposition voice has been brutally crushed. However, in the past decade the balance of power has changed. Gradually, different social movements have become more and more active and raised their voices. Just recently we had a great show of force by the students in different universities around the country. The slogans were: freedom, equality, no to war, Women's liberation is society's liberation, universities are not army garrisons, free jailed students! The student's movement is unified with women's movement and workers' movement, etc. Every day there is a workers' strike in few factories. Teachers are protesting against poor wages and for more freedom, nurses are the same. Women's rights movement is very strong and vibrant.
The Islamic regime is in very deep economic crisis. By the regime's own conservative estimates, more than half of the population lives under the poverty line. It is not capable of acting as a state to run the economy and process of accumulation. There is no political or social confidence for investors, Iranian or foreign investment.
Politically, the regime is in crisis too. The great majority of people despise it. They want to get rid of it. They are trying to topple it. As a result the balance of power between the people and the regime has shifted considerably.
It is also in deep cultural-ideological crisis. People do not want a religious state. There is a strong secular movement in Iran. Women and the youth are particularly interested in a secular state. Religion is a subject of mockery among the public.
FP: So what is happening with women's rights in Iran?
Majedi: A lot. Since the Islamic Republic came to power almost 29 years ago, women's issues have been on the political agenda of both the state and women's activists. The so-called woman question is a recurrent issue in the society. The Islamic regime made its mission to strip women of all their rights. At the time of the old regime, women were deprived and discriminated against, as well. However, the old regime had made some minor reforms regarding women's rights in the family. Islamists were incredibly indignant by this act. Khomeini had strongly criticized the Shah (the king) for these reforms.
The new state's first directive was to order women to wear the veil. It happened on 8 March 1979, one month after it came to power. This started a whole new women's movement, a movement that has increasingly become more vibrant, dynamic, expressive and resilient. The women's rights movement in Iran is very large and widespread. I believe it is at the moment the most active and strongest women's movement in the world. It has deep roots in the society and not only among women but men as well. I am certain that this movement will have a great impact on the situation of women in the Middle East. Its fight against political Islam will cross the borders and influence women's struggle in countries under the rule of Islam.
I have been saying that the treatment of women in the hands of the Islamic regime is the barometer of the general political situation in the country. Any time the regime is planning an assault on the people and the opposition, women are first in the line of attack. The questions of the veil and gender apartheid are two prominent socio-political issues. Almost every day we witness a conflict or clash between women and the morality police. Women are in the forefront of opposition against the Islamic regime.
FP: The Iranian regime recently increased its ban on Western music. Why do you think music represent such a threat to political Islam?
Majedi: Islam by nature is against music and happiness. This is a known fact. However, contrary to common belief that describes it as fundamentalist, the Islamic regime is a very pragmatist entity. In its life time it has made many principal shifts to save itself politically. At numerous times it has bent the dogma to achieve a political goal. Khomeini was the master of manipulation and pragmatism.
The emphasis here is on "western". Its ideological grip on the society depends on a strong anti-western value system. Political Islam as a political movement is anti-western and plays on peoples' real grievances in the region against American aggression in order to present itself as an „anti-imperialist‰ force. Unfortunately it has increasingly been successful since September 11 tragic event to portray itself as such. The military attack on Iraq and then Lebanon and the discrimination against Arabs and whoever is considered Muslim have helped political Islam considerably.
We should recognize these fundamental distinctions and try and expose the two poles. People in the region are frustrated and despise the existing international order which imposes injustices upon them. They are against US policies regarding its unconditional defense of Israel, for the misery it has inflicted on the people of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Lebanon and for its active support of the reactionary dictatorships in the region.
In the absence of any progressive, egalitarian, libertarian and secular force, due to brutal political suppression of these forces, people turn to the only existing alternative, i.e. political Islam. They choose between whoever seems to them to be the lesser evil. This is the outcome of the dictatorial regimes in the region which are actively supported by the US and the west.
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