Frontpage Interview’s guest today is Frank Nikbakht, an Iranian democracy activist. Born in Tehran in 1953, he escaped Iran in 1982 with the help of Kurdish tribesmen, making his way to Turkey and eventually ending up in the United States. He is the founder of the Committee for Religious Minority Rights in Iran, which strives for equal rights for all Iranians.
FP: Frank Nikbakht, welcome to Frontpage Interview.
Nikbakht: Thank you for your concern and for having me on the Frontpage. It is nice to see there are alternatives to the traditional left and "liberals" who have abandoned their pretense of defending freedom and equality worldwide and have allied themselves with Islamic fundamentalists and extremists.
FP: Tell us about your youth and how and why you ended up escaping Iran.
Nikbakht: Idealism prolongs youth. My youth, therefore, covered a rather long period of struggle to bring about change. Suffice it to say that the Islamization of the 1979 revolution in Iran which fraudulently adopted common, even conflicting, slogans of leftists, nationalists, democrats and ethnic and religious minorities before it, in order to appease and then destroy them all, was an historic shock to a whole generation of Iranians. This deceptive behavior, also called "Tagheeyah", is, by the way, the same thing they are employing today internationally in their diplomacy and forming alliances. The continued self delusion of many idealists and intellectuals in siding with the Islamic regime under the cover of theoretical excuses and tactical expediency was another shock and betrayal of our generation.
By 1981, only two years after the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the lives of all opponents of the regime were in danger due to the gradual establishment and revival of security and intelligence institutions and the alliance of pro-Soviet organizations with the IRI intelligence agencies -- whose stated goal was to betray all anti-regime activists to the government.
As a non-Muslim minority member, my civil rights had already been taken away or greatly diminished following the establishment of the Islamic regime and the passage of its highly discriminatory constitution. Non-Muslims had become “D’himmis”, second class citizens with limited rights, or non-citizens with absolutely no rights, just based on their beliefs. The Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians were given certain rights but their lives were legally valued as less than 1/2 or 1/8th of a Muslim’s life (depending on which source of Shari’a a judge decided to use in cases of compensations for loss of life or limb). They lost their right to testify in court against Muslims and they lost all sorts of imaginable rights to material and social status which might demonstrate any semblance of superiority or power over Muslims.
Killers of D’himmis would not be held to the same standard of killers of Muslims and would only be liable for the lower financial compensation while killers or looters of non-Dhimmis, such as Bahaiis, who had no right s at all, would be immune to prosecution, since according to the new criminal codes, the victims did not deserve to live or function within the “Islamic” society in the first place. Hundreds of D’himmis and Bahaiis were thus executed or just killed and assassinated according to the new laws and imposed social norms. Any minority member who converted to Islam was entitled to all the inheritance in their family, while converting out of Islam was punishable by death. These are just some examples of the highly discriminatory laws in the new regime, almost all of which are still in force.
FP: Tell us some more about the fate of minorities in Iran.
Nikbakht: After the revolution, minorities were leaving the country in their thousands every month and it seemed that the regime was going to stay. Socially, I was witnessing the gradual acceptance by the Muslim masses of intolerance for others, which was and has been the main pillar of the regime’s ideology and propaganda, as tolerance or compassion became symbols of "dishonorable" character, in addition to being a sin and a hell bound way of thinking.
A lot of these zealous characteristics, which had been the basis for the persecution of women and minorities for centuries, had been gradually swept aside during the 20th century, when rulers were admittedly dictators but were overall secular rulers and modernists nevertheless. All my life I had experienced equality to some extent; now suddenly I was faced with the loss of all those rights with the tacit approval of millions of people to whom I had dedicated my life and for whom I had spent years of my youthful energy. This is why I am actively promoting equal rights for minorities in Iran and advocating it (painfully!) even among the opposition who still needs a lot of education in this regard.
At the time, minority communities were being scrutinized, our community properties, schools and centers were being confiscated, our professionals, teachers and scientists were being fired and an atmosphere of fear had replaced our previous feeling of belonging and security.
Hundreds of regime opponents were being executed each day or week and one by one my friends or people I knew about were being arrested and were disappearing. I would witness Hizbullah thugs mutilating women and young people in the streets for not adhering to Islamic codes, Revolutionary Guards shooting demonstrators, searching whole city blocks in search of opponents, books, arms, western music cassettes or alcohol and arrest groups of young students at the local park near the Tehran University.
As social dissent grew into mass demonstrations and riots, high ranking Mullahs and government officials announced that it was no longer necessary to arrest and bring to trial the opponents of the "godly" regime and they could be killed on the street or in their homes if their "kufr" or infidelity was known to the Hizbullah gangs or the revolutionary guards. I, like thousands of others, would be stopped and searched several times a day driving in Tehran.
Even though I loved Iran and still liked to contribute to positive change and even though there were still many truly honorable Muslim friends who would give me shelter and refuge whenever I needed, and whose compassion and friendship I could count on, it was time to "get out of Dodge".
The Kurdish regions of Northwestern Iran were safe havens for dissidents from all over the country and the Kurds helped save the lives of hundreds of thousands of their fellow Iranians, including families who just wanted to live in freedom, fearful minorities and others by giving them refuge or helping them cross over the mountains to Turkey. Up until today, the brave Iranian Kurds have been defying the regime in every way.
FP: You lost most of your friends and colleagues to Iran’s firing squads. Can you talk a bit about that? And I apologize for the pain this question causes you.
Nikbakht: Many of my friends were active opponents of the regime, while many were passive and none involved. Some even sympathized with Ayatullah Khomeini, the same way as today's intellectuals and even Western governments and academics are sometimes mesmerized by the likes of president Khatami or some of the reformists within the regime.
In addition, some others were like today's leftists whose lack of mass support leads them to root for "anti-Imperialist" crooks and populists like Ahmadinejad, the Lebanese Hezbullah and even Hamas. In the end, most were killed, executed and imprisoned regardless of the nature and form of their opposition, because the regime was (and still is) more concerned about the potential danger of people who are not part of it.
One of my closest friends from my UCLA days in the 1970s, who was executed in 1982, while not a regime sympathizer, was in fact infatuated with Khomeini because of his populist rhetoric, while another UCLA friend, who was a devout Muslim (moderate by today's standards) was assassinated when he went back to Iran in 1998 to join legal and moderate Islamic opposition to the regime, duped by Khatami’s empty promises of Islamic reform and security for certain dissidents.
The regime has repeatedly eliminated opponents out of the fear that they might become active opponents in the future. The massacre of thousands of political prisoners convicted for minor political infractions (tens of thousands according to some) and serving their time in jail back in 1988 is the most horrific example. Periodical assassinations or executions of hundreds of people for the sole reason of being considered "apostates" or "infidels" and those who were executed mainly to terrorize the Jewish, Bahaii or Christian communities are ongoing examples.
The pain you mentioned, which tends to diminish with time, returns every time I hear about more executions, watch videos of public hangings of young revolutionaries in the streets or stoning of women for adultery, which happens frequently these days.
FP: What lies at the foundation of this terror state?
Nikbakht: The present Iranian regime is a Theocratic dictatorship of a certain sect within Shiite Islam which according to its Constitution has clear imperialistic intentions and views itself primarily as a global entity with a global mission rather than an Iranian national entity. Accordingly, it considers its allegiance to Iranian national interests as incidental to its ideological and global mission. The 29 year track record of the IRI (Islamic Republic of Iran) against Iranian culture, traditions and antiquities as well as its zealous support of worldwide Islamic terrorism or Islamic movements, confirms its non-Iranian nature, while the massive economic monopolization, export of capital, global influence buying and establishment of intelligence and terrorist bases on all continents, demonstrate its ample imperialist capabilities.
FP: Frank Nikbakht, welcome to Frontpage Interview.
Nikbakht: Thank you for your concern and for having me on the Frontpage. It is nice to see there are alternatives to the traditional left and "liberals" who have abandoned their pretense of defending freedom and equality worldwide and have allied themselves with Islamic fundamentalists and extremists.
FP: Tell us about your youth and how and why you ended up escaping Iran.
Nikbakht: Idealism prolongs youth. My youth, therefore, covered a rather long period of struggle to bring about change. Suffice it to say that the Islamization of the 1979 revolution in Iran which fraudulently adopted common, even conflicting, slogans of leftists, nationalists, democrats and ethnic and religious minorities before it, in order to appease and then destroy them all, was an historic shock to a whole generation of Iranians. This deceptive behavior, also called "Tagheeyah", is, by the way, the same thing they are employing today internationally in their diplomacy and forming alliances. The continued self delusion of many idealists and intellectuals in siding with the Islamic regime under the cover of theoretical excuses and tactical expediency was another shock and betrayal of our generation.
By 1981, only two years after the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the lives of all opponents of the regime were in danger due to the gradual establishment and revival of security and intelligence institutions and the alliance of pro-Soviet organizations with the IRI intelligence agencies -- whose stated goal was to betray all anti-regime activists to the government.
As a non-Muslim minority member, my civil rights had already been taken away or greatly diminished following the establishment of the Islamic regime and the passage of its highly discriminatory constitution. Non-Muslims had become “D’himmis”, second class citizens with limited rights, or non-citizens with absolutely no rights, just based on their beliefs. The Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians were given certain rights but their lives were legally valued as less than 1/2 or 1/8th of a Muslim’s life (depending on which source of Shari’a a judge decided to use in cases of compensations for loss of life or limb). They lost their right to testify in court against Muslims and they lost all sorts of imaginable rights to material and social status which might demonstrate any semblance of superiority or power over Muslims.
Killers of D’himmis would not be held to the same standard of killers of Muslims and would only be liable for the lower financial compensation while killers or looters of non-Dhimmis, such as Bahaiis, who had no right s at all, would be immune to prosecution, since according to the new criminal codes, the victims did not deserve to live or function within the “Islamic” society in the first place. Hundreds of D’himmis and Bahaiis were thus executed or just killed and assassinated according to the new laws and imposed social norms. Any minority member who converted to Islam was entitled to all the inheritance in their family, while converting out of Islam was punishable by death. These are just some examples of the highly discriminatory laws in the new regime, almost all of which are still in force.
FP: Tell us some more about the fate of minorities in Iran.
Nikbakht: After the revolution, minorities were leaving the country in their thousands every month and it seemed that the regime was going to stay. Socially, I was witnessing the gradual acceptance by the Muslim masses of intolerance for others, which was and has been the main pillar of the regime’s ideology and propaganda, as tolerance or compassion became symbols of "dishonorable" character, in addition to being a sin and a hell bound way of thinking.
A lot of these zealous characteristics, which had been the basis for the persecution of women and minorities for centuries, had been gradually swept aside during the 20th century, when rulers were admittedly dictators but were overall secular rulers and modernists nevertheless. All my life I had experienced equality to some extent; now suddenly I was faced with the loss of all those rights with the tacit approval of millions of people to whom I had dedicated my life and for whom I had spent years of my youthful energy. This is why I am actively promoting equal rights for minorities in Iran and advocating it (painfully!) even among the opposition who still needs a lot of education in this regard.
At the time, minority communities were being scrutinized, our community properties, schools and centers were being confiscated, our professionals, teachers and scientists were being fired and an atmosphere of fear had replaced our previous feeling of belonging and security.
Hundreds of regime opponents were being executed each day or week and one by one my friends or people I knew about were being arrested and were disappearing. I would witness Hizbullah thugs mutilating women and young people in the streets for not adhering to Islamic codes, Revolutionary Guards shooting demonstrators, searching whole city blocks in search of opponents, books, arms, western music cassettes or alcohol and arrest groups of young students at the local park near the Tehran University.
As social dissent grew into mass demonstrations and riots, high ranking Mullahs and government officials announced that it was no longer necessary to arrest and bring to trial the opponents of the "godly" regime and they could be killed on the street or in their homes if their "kufr" or infidelity was known to the Hizbullah gangs or the revolutionary guards. I, like thousands of others, would be stopped and searched several times a day driving in Tehran.
Even though I loved Iran and still liked to contribute to positive change and even though there were still many truly honorable Muslim friends who would give me shelter and refuge whenever I needed, and whose compassion and friendship I could count on, it was time to "get out of Dodge".
The Kurdish regions of Northwestern Iran were safe havens for dissidents from all over the country and the Kurds helped save the lives of hundreds of thousands of their fellow Iranians, including families who just wanted to live in freedom, fearful minorities and others by giving them refuge or helping them cross over the mountains to Turkey. Up until today, the brave Iranian Kurds have been defying the regime in every way.
FP: You lost most of your friends and colleagues to Iran’s firing squads. Can you talk a bit about that? And I apologize for the pain this question causes you.
Nikbakht: Many of my friends were active opponents of the regime, while many were passive and none involved. Some even sympathized with Ayatullah Khomeini, the same way as today's intellectuals and even Western governments and academics are sometimes mesmerized by the likes of president Khatami or some of the reformists within the regime.
In addition, some others were like today's leftists whose lack of mass support leads them to root for "anti-Imperialist" crooks and populists like Ahmadinejad, the Lebanese Hezbullah and even Hamas. In the end, most were killed, executed and imprisoned regardless of the nature and form of their opposition, because the regime was (and still is) more concerned about the potential danger of people who are not part of it.
One of my closest friends from my UCLA days in the 1970s, who was executed in 1982, while not a regime sympathizer, was in fact infatuated with Khomeini because of his populist rhetoric, while another UCLA friend, who was a devout Muslim (moderate by today's standards) was assassinated when he went back to Iran in 1998 to join legal and moderate Islamic opposition to the regime, duped by Khatami’s empty promises of Islamic reform and security for certain dissidents.
The regime has repeatedly eliminated opponents out of the fear that they might become active opponents in the future. The massacre of thousands of political prisoners convicted for minor political infractions (tens of thousands according to some) and serving their time in jail back in 1988 is the most horrific example. Periodical assassinations or executions of hundreds of people for the sole reason of being considered "apostates" or "infidels" and those who were executed mainly to terrorize the Jewish, Bahaii or Christian communities are ongoing examples.
The pain you mentioned, which tends to diminish with time, returns every time I hear about more executions, watch videos of public hangings of young revolutionaries in the streets or stoning of women for adultery, which happens frequently these days.
FP: What lies at the foundation of this terror state?
Nikbakht: The present Iranian regime is a Theocratic dictatorship of a certain sect within Shiite Islam which according to its Constitution has clear imperialistic intentions and views itself primarily as a global entity with a global mission rather than an Iranian national entity. Accordingly, it considers its allegiance to Iranian national interests as incidental to its ideological and global mission. The 29 year track record of the IRI (Islamic Republic of Iran) against Iranian culture, traditions and antiquities as well as its zealous support of worldwide Islamic terrorism or Islamic movements, confirms its non-Iranian nature, while the massive economic monopolization, export of capital, global influence buying and establishment of intelligence and terrorist bases on all continents, demonstrate its ample imperialist capabilities.
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