Iran-U.S.A

[Rasputin]

PUBLIC EDUCATIONAL EVENT

US-IRAN RELATIONS

Where is the United States’ “Iran foreign policy” headed? And what is the best way to handle that relationship?

Would a war with Iran be a part of US “war on terror” or a distraction from it?

What would be the short and long-term consequences of attacking Iran?

Guest speaker:

Dr. Abbas Milani
Director of “Hamid and Christina Moghadam Iranian Studies Program”, Stanford University

Research Fellow & Co-Director of Iran Democracy Project, Hoover Institution, Stanford University

Date: Sunday, September 17, 2006
Sign-in/ Social time: 3:30 PM
Program: 4:00 PM (sharp) - 6:30 PM
Location: SEIU Office
Address: 2302 Zanker Rd, San Jose, CA 95131 (see map below)
For driving directions click here
Contact: Contact BAIAD
Donation: $10 (no one will be turned away for not making a donation)
Notes: This program will be in English with seating for 200

[Rasputin]

جان نگروپونته سرپرست اداره اطلاعات ملی آمريکا می گويد به دولت ايران اطلاع داده شده است در صورتی که اين کشور برنامه غنی سازی خود را متوقف کند، آمريکا حاضر است "اشکال گوناگونی از روابط" با آن را بررسی کند.
رئيس اداره اطلاعات ملی آمريکا که وظيفه نظارت بر تمامی سازمانهای اطلاعاتی – امنيتی کشورش را بر عهده دارد، گفته است که شرط اصلی برای حل و فصل مناقشه هسته ای ايران، توقف برنامه غنی سازی اين کشور است...

آقای نگروپونته که در واشنگتن سخن می گفت به خبرنگاران گفت: "آمريکا، اتحاديه اروپا و ساير کشورها به ايران گفته اند که اگر برنامه غنی سازی خود را متوقف کند و در اين خصوص به نحوی با آمريکا به توافق برسد، آمريکا آماده است که راههای گوناگون از سرگيری روابط با ايران را بررسی کند."

از سوی ديگر روزنامه نيويورک تايمز در شماره يکشنبه ۱۷ سپتامبر خود به نقل از مقام های بلندپايه دولت آمريکا گزارش داده است که علی لاريجانی دبير شورای امنيت ملی ايران و خاوير سولانا مسوول سياست خارجی اتحاديه اروپا قرار است امروز در نيويورک گفتگوهای خود را از سر بگيرند.

اما نيويورک تايمز همچنين يادآور شده است که کوندوليزا رايس وزير امور خارجه آمريکا و نيکلاس برنز مشاور ارشد خانم رايس با آقای لاريجانی ديدار نخواهند کرد.

خبرگزاری ها هفته گذشته گزارش دادند که علی لاريجانی در جريان مذاکرات خود با خاوير سولانا پيشنهاد کرده است که ايران فعاليت های غنی سازی خود را برای دو ماه به حالت تعليق در آورد.

با اين همه نيويورک تايمز به نقل از ديپلمات های آمريکايی و اروپايی که خواسته اند ناشناس باقی بمانند می نويسد که اين ديپلمات ها نسبت به جدی بودن پيشنهاد ايران ترديد دارند.

نيويورک تايمز می گويد آقای لاريجانی در گذشته هم پيشنهادهای مشابهی را مطرح کرده ولی بعد نظر خود را تغيير داده است و به همين خاطر برخی ديپلمات های غربی گمان می کنند که وی از اختيارات زيادی برای پيشبرد مذاکرات برخوردار نيست. گفته می شود که در جناح های مختلف در داخل حکومت ايران درباره موضع اين کشور در مناقشه هسته ای اختلاف نظر وجود دارد.

به گزارش نيويورک تايمز آمريکا استراتژی دوجانبه ای را در قبال ايران دنبال می کند: از يک سو کانال گفتگو با ايران را از طريق اتحاديه اروپا حفظ کرده است و از سوی ديگر در راستای اعمال تحريم های لازم الاجرای بين المللی عليه ايران در شورای امنيت تلاش می کند.

[Rasputin]

US sees link between Iran, peace

The US administration is embarking on a push to renew the Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, citing for the first time the importance of dealing with the conflict in order to secure an international coalition against Iran.

Administration officials have stressed in recent days that the US believes it is essential to show progress on the Palestinian track so as to obtain cooperation from moderate Arab countries and Europeans on the issue of countering Iran's nuclear ambitions.

The efforts to revive the peace process are to begin this week with meetings between Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas at the UN on Monday, followed by a speech by US President George W. Bush on Tuesday in which he is expected to stress the need for negotiations. Bush will meet with Abbas in New York, though no formal announcement on the meeting has been made.

Livni's meeting with Abbas is the first Israeli-PA meeting at this level since before Cpl. Gilad Shalit was kidnapped in June.

The meeting, scheduled for an hour, will take place at the United Nations, where both Livni and Abbas are attending the General Assembly meeting.

An official in Livni's office said that this meeting represented a "reestablishing of channels of communications" at the highest levels.

The official said this would be the first time "since the crisis broke out that Israel will engage directly with the Palestinians, and hear their positions from the highest level possible, and to share assessments." The meeting is believed to be a precursor to a meeting between Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

Livni has said for the last few weeks that Israel should not place any preconditions on meeting with Abbas, not even the release of Shalit.

At the same time, Israeli sources said that there was no American pressure on Israel to deal with the new Palestinian national unity government before it accepts the three conditions of the Quartet - the US, EU, UN and Russia - recognizing Israel, renouncing terror and accepting previous agreements.

Philip Zelikow, counselor to the State Department and one of Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's close advisers, spelled out the new policy direction of the administration in a speech he gave Friday at a conference organized by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Zelikow stressed that there was a need to form a "coalition of builders" to confront the Iranian threat, a coalition made up of the US, Europe and moderate Arab states. According to the senior official, seeing progress in the Israeli-Palestinian track "is a sine qua non" for the Arabs and Europeans in order to prevent even a symbolic "corrosive effect" on the potential for getting these countries on board.

"It is an essential ingredient for forging the coalition. I would say it is an essential ingredient for Israel," Zelikow said, adding that "it is an essential glue that binds all these things together."

The State Department counselor stressed that when building coalitions there was a need to address concerns of other members, in this case the Europeans and Arabs.

Though Zelikow was the first administration official to clearly state the linkage between the Iranian threat and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, similar ideas have been raised, according to diplomatic and other sources, in several discussions that took place in Washington recently, including those with Livni.

[Rasputin]

Rice, in a closed meeting with Jewish leaders last week, also emphasized the need for progress on the Israeli-Palestinian track, though she did not specify the method of moving forward.

Livni's meeting with Abbas is seen in Washington as an attempt by Israel to show its interest in promoting talks with the Palestinians. According to US sources, Livni expressed willingness to move forward on the Palestinian track, speaking favorably of the "road map" peace plan. The Quartet is expected to meet Wednesday at the foreign ministers' level to discuss ways of moving the peace process forward.

The US efforts to renew the peace process will culminate this week with a meeting between Bush and Abbas on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York. This meeting is intended both to strengthen Abbas's standing and to discuss the new Palestinian national unity government, whose guidelines are still unclear. The US has insisted that in order to renew ties with the PA and the flow of financial assistance, the new government must adhere to the three terms set out by the Quartet.

Livni met on Sunday with the Slovakian president and with UN envoy Terje Roed-Larsen.

On Monday she is scheduled to meet with Rice and Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit, as well as with leaders from Argentina, Mauritania, Finland, Latvia and Korea.

[Rasputin]

آمريکا می گويد به رغم خوشبينی اعلام شده در هفته گذشته درباره پيدا شدن راه حلی برای مناقشه هسته ای کشورهای غربی با ايران، هيچ پيشرفتی در اين باره به وجود نيامده و اين کشور در معرض اعمال تحريم های بين المللی قرار دارد.
جيمز جفری مديرکل خاور نزديک وزارت امورخارجه آمريکا که مسؤول رسيدگی به امور ايران است، می گويد ابراز خوشبينی خاوير سولانا مسؤول سياست خارجی اتحاديه اروپا از گفتگوهايش با علی لاريجانی مذاکره کننده ارشد هسته ای ايران يک تاکتيک ديپلماتيک است و اروپايی ها از روند اين گفتگوها راضی نيستند.

خاوير سولانا پيش از اين از پيشرفت گفتگوهای هسته ای ابراز خرسندی کرده بود.

اما به گفته آقای جفری ديدگاه آمريکا با ديدگاه اعلام شده از شده از سوی مذاکره کننده ارشد گروه پنج به علاوه یک تفاوت دارد.

جیمز جفری به بی بی سی فارسی گفت:" ما هيچ پيشرفتی در اين مذاکرات نديده ايم. آقای سولانا هم پيشرفتی احساس نکرده است. اين گفتگوها ادامه دارد و از انجايی که آقای سولانا ديپلمات کارکشته ای است قصد ندارد با انتقاد از طرف مقابل خود، احتمال موفقيت گفتگوهای پيش رو از بين ببرد."

آقای جفری با اشاره به گردهمايی سران پنج عضو دائمی شورای امنيت و آلمان در نشست سالانه مجمع عمومی شورای امنيت سازمان ملل متحد در نيويورک و گفتگوهای آنها در حاشيه اين اجلاس به جمهوری اسلامی هشدار داد که مهلت اين کشور برای پذيرش خواست شورای امنيت به زودی به پايان خواهد رسيد.


جیمز جفری:"مهلت ایران به زودی پایان می یابد"

اما در حالی که برخی از اعضای گروه پنج به علاوه یک مانند فرانسه به طور علنی با اعمال تحريم های بين المللی بر ايران مخالفت کرده اند، آقای جفری می گويد هيچ شکافی بين اعضای اين گروه ايجاد نشده است و پرونده اتمی ايران بر اساس قطعنامه ۱۶۹۶ شورای امنيت مسير خود را به سوی تحريم های بين المللی طی می کند.

او گفت: "چندين ديدار ميان آقای سولانا و آقای لاريجانی يا معاونين آنها برگزار شده است. هيچ پيشرفتی در اين ديدارها مشاهده نشده است و زمان آن رسيده که در نيويورک و طبق توافق قبلی درباره نحوه اعمال تحريم های بين المللی بر ايران به گفتگو بنشينيم. هيچ اختلافی در اين زمينه ميان اعضای گروه ۱+۵ وجود ندارد."

آقای جفری درباره تحريم های مورد نظر آمريکا عليه ايران گفت که فهرست طولانی از اقدام های تنبيهی در کنار اقدام های تشويقی به جمهوری اسلامی ارائه شده است و با توجه به نظرات مختلف اعضای دائمی شورای امنيت و آلمان، سعی خواهيم کرد که توافق لازم در اين باره اتخاذ شود.

در اين حال جيمز جفری تاکيد کرد کشورش به هيچ وجه قصد آسيب رساندن به مردم ايران را ندارد و تنها فعاليت های نظامی و هسته ای اين کشور را به عنوان اهداف قانونی تحريم های احتمالی در نظر دارد.

[Rasputin]

امروز سازمان ملل متحد بار ديگر محل نزاعهاى لفظى ميان ايالات متحده و ايران است که هنوز نشانهاى از سازش پذيرى در مواضع شان نسبت به يکديگر ديده نمىشود. تظاهرات جداگانهء مخالفان بوش و مخالفان احمدى نژاد نيز هريک نشان دهندهء ميزان نارضايتى افکار عمومى در آمريکا نسبت به سياست هاى دو دولت است.

ده ها هزار تظاهرکننده امروز در خيابانهاى اصلى وسط شهر نيويورک، در حضور هزاران مأمور پليس، تجمع مى کنند تا به هنگام برگزارى جلسهء سالانهء مجمع عمومى سازمان ملل اعتراضاتشان را به گوش رهبران جهان برسانند. ترافيک شهر منهتن که مهماندار صدها ديپلمات جهانى است به حال توقف درآمده و حضور سه روزهء رئيس جمهور آمريکا در اين شهر و از راه رسيدن رهبران دنيا، اقدامات امنيتى را چندين برابر کرده است. در خيابانهاى اطراف سازمان ملل متحد هيجان موج مى زند.

ديروز به دنبال چاپ مقالهء اصلى هفتهء نامهء ,تايم, دائر بر آماده باش ارتش و نيروى دريائى آمريکا براى حمله به ايران، بعضى از تحليل گران براين عقيده اند که درز کردن اين خبر مى تواند به اين دليل صورت گرفته باشد که عده اى از سران ارتش مى خواهند به اين طريق مخالفت خود را با نقشه هاى کابينهء بوش اعلام کنند بدون آنکه اسمى از آنها برده شود. احتمال ديگر آن است که خود کابينهء بوش با بيرون دادن اين خبر قصد دارد دولت ايران را مرعوب و مجبور به پذيرش پيش شرط هاى مذاکرهء مستقيم کند.

احتمال سومى هم وجود دارد: با توجه به اختلاف درونى کابينهء بوش ميان خانم کانداليزا رايس که به راه حل ديپلماتيک تمايل دارد و آقايان ديک چينى و دانالد رامسفلد معاون رئييس جمهور و وزير دفاع که به حملهء نظامى نظر دارند، هم زمان تدارکات هر دو امکان به جلو مى رود تا اينکه خود رئيس جمهور تصميم نهائى را در لحظهء آخر بگيرد. طبق گزارش ,تايم, براى حملهء هوائى تعداد هزار و پانصد هدف متفاوت به عنوان نقاط اصابت بمب به دقت شناسائى شده اند.

از آنجاکه چين و روسيه موافقت شان را با تحريمات اعلام نکرده اند و معتقدند مذاکرات با اتحاديهء اروپا هنوز به بن بست نرسيده، دولت ايران نيز عجله اى براى به نتيجه رساندنِ هرچه زودتر اين مذاکرات ندارد. جان بولتون سفير آمريکا در سازمان ملل بارها از سرعت مذاکراتِ ايران و کشورهاى اروپائى اظهار نارضائى کرده است. او ديروز به خبرنگاران گفت: ,انتظار مى رفت آقاى لاريجانى در نيويورک باشد اما او هنوز نيامده و مذاکرات هم به همين دليل متوقف مانده است.,

حاوير سولانا نمايندهء اتحاديهء اروپا در مذاکرات اتمى گفت آقاى لاريجانى به زمان بيشترى احتياج دارد تا توافق جمعى رهبرى رژيم ايران را جلب کند. ايالات متحده اين هفته با تمام توان سعى خواهد کرد اعضاى شوراى امنيت را به تصويب برنامهء تحريمات ترغيب کند. جورج بوش در شرايطى ايران را متهم مى کند با سياست هاى اتمى خود به بى ثباتى در منطقه دامن مى زند که اکثريت مردم آمريکا با سياست هاى خود او در عراق به شدت مخالفت مى کنند. امروز تعداد آمريکائيان حاضر در تظاهرات براى بيرون کشيدن ارتش آمريکا از عراق، نشانه اى از ميزان اين مخالفت خواهد بود.

[Rasputin]

US and Iran trade blows in verbal brawl

GEORGE Bush says Iranians deserve better, while Mahmoud Ahmadinejad hits out at 'US imperialism'. The American and Iranian leaders dodged a face-to-face confrontation at the United Nations yesterday, but clashed from a distance in starkly different speeches.

Presidents Bush and Ahmadinejad were staying at adjacent New York hotels last night and spoke within hours of each other on the opening day of this year’s General Assembly session.

Despite President Ahmadinejad’s call for a televised debate between the two, he stayed out of the chamber when Mr Bush spoke, and skipped a diplomatic luncheon attended by the President because of the alcohol being served.

President Bush, pushing his “Freedom Agenda” for the Middle East, appealed directly to the Iranian people in his speech.

“You deserve an opportunity to determine your own future, an economy that rewards your intelligence and your talents, and a society that allows you to fulfil your tremendous potential,” he said.

“The greatest obstacle to this future is that your rulers have chosen to deny you liberty and to use your nation’s resources to fund terrorism and fuel extremism and pursue nuclear weapons.”

President Ahmadinejad, wearing his trademark tan suit and open-necked shirt, countered with an attack on American domination of the world and the UN. “Some seek to rule the world relying on weapons and threats, while others live in perpetual insecurity and danger,” he said.

Outlining the “grievances of the Iranian people”, he questioned the “raison d’etre” of Israel, criticised the international boycott of the elected Hamas Government in the Palestinian territories, and condemned the UN for sitting “idly by” during the recent conflict in Lebanon.

However, he emphasised that Iran was committed to the Non- Proliferation Treaty.

The Bush Administration has met resistance to its push for limited UN sanctions on Iran over Tehran’s failure to meet a UN deadline of August 31 to halt uranium enrichment.

After a meeting with President Chirac of France yesterday, President Bush signalled some US flexibility on the way forward. He suggested that he would be happy to see the European Union’s “Big Three” powers - Britain, France and Germany - continue discussions with Iran to prepare the ground for a suspension of uranium enrichment work.

“The EU-3 will continue to dialogue with the Iranians to get them to the table, so they will verifiably suspend their enrichment activities, in which case the United States will come to the table,” he said.

The French President told reporters that he thought talks could resume if Iran agreed to suspend uranium enrichment and the US and its partners simultaneously dropped the threat of sanctions.

Further contacts are scheduled in New York this week between the EU’s foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, and Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator, Ali Larijani. President Bush emphasised, however, that Iran could not string the EU-3 along indefinitely.

“We believe time is of the essence. Should they continue to stall, we will then discuss the consequences of them stalling. One of the consequences of course will be some kind of sanctions programme,” he said. “But now is the time for the Iranians to come to the table.”

In Washington, Nicholas Burns, the State Department’s No 3, told a Senate committee that Iran had to make a decision “in New York this week”. He said that the EU-3, Russia and China were united on sanctions that targeted the Iranian leadership and curtailed dual-use exports that helped Iran’s nuclear research.

The Pentagon, meanwhile, is reportedly making contingency plans for military action. Time magazine said that the US Navy’s chief of operations, Admiral Michael Mullen, had ordered a review of plans to counter a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. It said that minesweepers, a submarine and an Aegis cruiser had been ordered to prepare to deploy in the Gulf.

General John Abizaid, the US commander in the Middle East, laid out Iran’s military capabilities. “Number one, they have naval capacity to temporarily block the Straits of Hormuz, and interfere with global commerce if they should choose to do so,” he said.

“Number two, they’ve got a substantial missile force that can do a lot of damage to our friends and partners in the region. Number three, they have a pretty robust terrorist surrogate arm that could, in the event of hostilities, cause problems, not only in the Middle East, but globally.

“And number four, they have a very substantial land army that is certainly capable of conducting asymmetric warfare.”

[Rasputin]

US denial on Iranian journalist visas

WASHINGTON (AFP) - The United States denied it refused to grant visas to 15 Iranian journalists who wanted to accompany President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to the UN General Assembly in New York.

The State Department said the reporters only lodged their applications last Friday, and planned to travel on Monday and had therefore not left enough time for their applications to be processed.

"It's certainly wrong to suggest that we either denied visas or had signalled to the Iranians that we had done so," said State Department deputy spokesman Tom Casey.

"We were simply trying to comply with US law and the necessary processes involved in that.

"That is something that for Iranian citizens, because of our concerns, because we don't have diplomatic relations, because they are the leading state sponsor of terror, (does) in fact, take time."

The US mission at the UN had received 150 applications for people to take part in the Iranian delegation at this week's meeting, and had so far granted 125, Casey said.

Iran, locked in a showdown over its nuclear program with western powers, complained Tuesday that Washington had barred the journalists and failed to honor its duties as host nation for the United Nations.

"The United States is practically weakening the UN ... it shows US weakness towards the free flow of information," foreign ministry spokesman Mohammad Ali Hosseini was quoted as saying by Iranian media.

Ahmadinejad arrived at the UN Tuesday and berated the United States and Britain in a fiery address, slamming "hegemonic powers" who imposed "exclusionist policies on international decision-making mechanisms, including the Security Council."

Tehran and Washington have no diplomatic relations -- another factor complicating the visa issuing process.

Iranian media reported that Interior Minister Mostafa Pour-Mohammadi was also denied a US visa last week. Last year, parliament speaker Gholam Ali Hadad-Adel, who planned to attend UN-sponsored meetings, was denied a visa.

State television complained that while the United States bars Iranian journalists, some 200 US reporters have visited Iran in the past year.

Only the state news agency IRNA and state television IRIB have bureaux in the United States and they are not allowed to leave New York.

[Rasputin]

Bill Clinton: U.S. should talk to Iran

WASHINGTON - Former President Clinton said Thursday the U.S. should try talking to Iran about its nuclear weapons ambitions without imposing a lot of conditions.

"If you think you might have trouble with somebody, and God forbid if you think it could lead to a military confrontation, then there needs to be the maximum amount of contact beforehand," Clinton said in an interview with NBC's "Today" show.

The Bush administration has refused to hold direct talks with Iran until it agrees to suspend enrichment of uranium, which the U.S. fears will be used to build nuclear weapons.

"The United States should not be afraid to talk to anyone. They should not be reluctant and shouldn't have too many conditions," said Clinton, who said his own offer to meet with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's predecessor had been rebuffed.

The U.S. and allies have offered Iran a package of incentives in return for its agreement to stop uranium enrichment. But Iran has given no definitive response and missed an Aug. 31 U.N. Security Council deadline to halt uranium enrichment, which Iran says is for generating electricity.

Iran and the United States have had no direct diplomatic relations since 1979. That's when Iranian students stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and held its occupants hostage for 444 days to protest Washington's refusal to hand over the toppled shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

President Bush and Ahmadinejad used separate appearances at the U.N. General Assembly in New York this week to spar over Tehran's nuclear program, but they avoided any personal contact.

In May, Ahmadinejad sent a letter seeking a debate with Bush, but it was laced with old grievances against America and included a long list of Iranian demands.

Clinton said although he would like to see more negotiation with Iran, Bush's reluctance to personally meet with Ahmadinejad was understandable.

"I think we should have some contacts with them," Clinton said. "I'm not sure the president is the place to start."

In an interview broadcast Thursday on National Public Radio, Clinton said, " ... I still believe that, based on all my Iranian friends in America, what they say is that the vast majority of Iranian citizens want to have good relationships with the United States and the West and do not want to be at odds."

"But they all believe basically that if any other country has a right to nuclear power, they do too, so we have to work through that and I, I hope we can do it in a peaceful way," he said.

[donsaeid]

US ACADEMICS FOR PEACE

STATEMENT ON IRAN AND SYRIA

November 2, 2005

In early 2003 "US Academics Against the War," a delegation comprised of 37 professors from 28 US universities, traveled to Baghdad on a fact-finding mission. We held talks with Iraqi academic colleagues, government officials, and non-governmental actors, six weeks prior to the Bush administration's attack on Iraq. This initiative followed a letter ultimately signed by 33,000 US academics urging President Bush not to invade Iraq. Unfortunately, our warnings went unheeded.

In September, 2005, a second "US Academics for Peace" delegation, consisting of 13 university professors, human rights advocates, and peace activists, traveled to Iran and Syria on another fact-finding mission. We met with government officials, political leaders, university administrators, and academics from Tehran University, Shahid Beheshti University, and Damascus University. In Tehran, US Academics For Peace met with the former President of Iran, Mohammed Khatami, and in Damascus with President Bashar al-Assad of Syria and the First Lady. It was our purpose to initiate dialogue that might further mutual understanding between the United States and Iran and Syria. We stressed to both governments our concern with their records on civil liberties and human rights. But we remain convinced that the rhetoric of violent "regime change" will only make matters worse. We wish to warn against the use of military force by the United States against Iran and Syria. Such action, we believe, will produce an even bloodier repetition of the tragedy sparked by the invasion of Iraq and create even greater chaos in the region.

US Academics for Peace found that dialogue is possible with the Iranian and Syrian governments. Although we are aware that significant political and cultural differences exist between the United States and these two nations, resolving them will require a serious commitment to conflict resolution by all parties. Current U.S. policy towards both Iran and Syria has been ineffectual and even counter productive. Economic sanctions imposed by the United States have had detrimental effects on especially the most vulnerable citizens of Iran without producing democratic reform or compliance on the part of the government. The inflammatory and provocative rhetoric of the Bush Administration that labels Iran and Syria as "rogue states," supporters of terrorism, and part of an "axis of evil," has only increased tensions and mistrust.

Human rights violations of a serious nature continue to occur in both Iran and Syria. Our delegation, however, opposes the imposition of double standards on human rights. We firmly support universal standards and the efforts of organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. We also believe that democratic reform must come from within, not be imposed from without, and must be initiated by the citizens of Iran and Syria. Talk of "regime change" by the United States only empowers extremist elements. It works to strengthen repression under the guise of national security. We therefore call upon the United States to stop its rhetoric and, instead, foster academic and cultural exchange programs along with increased trade in order to build trust, improve understanding, and change existing negative perceptions of each other.

With respect to Iran, the decision of its government to build a nuclear reactor has produced fear and the threat of reprisals by the United States. US Academics for Peace is sharply critical of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We believe in the need for a nuclear free zone for the entire Middle East. But the right of nations to employ nuclear energy is not precluded by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which was signed by Iran, and there is no evidence to date to suggest that nuclear weapons are being built. Iran has also accepted IAEA inspections. We adamantly oppose attempts based on unproven suspicions, allegations, or prejudices to subject Iran to special evaluative criteria not included in the NPT. There is no excuse for deplorable statements by Iranian leaders to “wipe out the state of Israel.” Nevertheless, threats to exclude Iran from the United Nations, to engage in a pre-emptive strike, or to bring about “regime change” can only inhibit dialogue and prove counter-productive.

We believe peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without Syria playing a vital role. Since May 2004, when the United States tightened sanctions, it has become increasingly difficult for Syria to purchase computer parts, radiation equipment for treating cancer patients, and various other products that might improve the lives of Syrian citizens. The United States has rejected Syrian overtures for dialogue and made diplomatic exchanges extremely difficult. Such tactics obviously tend to strengthen the hand of authoritarian elements in Syria and undermine existing attempts at reform in Syria that should be taken seriously and welcomed. Our delegation also feels that, whatever the results of the UN investigation into the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, they should not be employed as a justification for "regime change" or war.

We urge President Bush to refrain from repeating the appalling mistake he made when he launched the illegal invasion of Iraq. More than 2000 American soldiers and tens of thousands of innocent Iraqis have been killed, hundreds of billions of dollars have been wasted, and there is no solution in sight. We call upon President Bush to follow a different course by initiating diplomatic negotiations with Iran and Syria in order to resolve existing disputes and disagreements. If we wish to avoid another conflict then we need to increase understanding among the peoples and the governments of these two nations and the United States. War is the worst human rights violation and it must be avoided at all reasonable costs. The alternative is dialogue. It must be unconditional and undertaken in good faith, for¾as we have seen¾without dialogue conflict is inevitable.


Contact Information:

https://www.conscienceinternational.org

conscience@conscienceinternational.org


Signed:

James E. Jennings, Ph.D.
President, Conscience International
Delegation Leader

Janet Amighi
Professor of Anthropology,
Montgomery Community College, Pennsylvania

John Amidon
Veterans for Peace, Albany, New York; Interfaith Alliance of New York State

Stephen Eric Bronner
Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University, New Jersey

Anne Burns
Publisher, New York and New Jersey.

Lawrence Davidson
Professor of Middle East History, West Chester University, West Chester, Pennsylvania.

Carole Ferraro
Instructor in English as a Second Lanaguage, The State University of New York at Albany.

Kurt Jacobsen
Research Associate in Political Science, University of Chicago

Bianca Jagger
The Council of Europe's Goodwill Ambassador; Member, Amnesty International Leadership Council USA; Member, Advisory Board of Human Rights Watch-Americas

Diane Reiner
Instructor in English and Executive Board Member of the International
Center, Albany, New York.

Wade Savage
Professor of Philosophy, The University of Minnesota

Diane Savage
Attorney at Law, Minnesota

Michael Simmons
Former Medical Research Specialist at the University of California, Los Angeles

[Rasputin]

Spy Agencies Say Iraq War Hurting U.S. Terror Fight

The war in Iraq has become a primary recruitment vehicle for violent Islamic extremists, motivating a new generation of potential terrorists around the world whose numbers may be increasing faster than the United States and its allies can reduce the threat, U.S. intelligence analysts have concluded.

A 30-page National Intelligence Estimate completed in April cites the "centrality" of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and the insurgency that has followed, as the leading inspiration for new Islamic extremist networks and cells that are united by little more than an anti-Western agenda. It concludes that, rather than contributing to eventual victory in the global counterterrorism struggle, the situation in Iraq has worsened the U.S. position, according to officials familiar with the classified document.

"It's a very candid assessment," one intelligence official said yesterday of the estimate, the first formal examination of global terrorist trends written by the National Intelligence Council since the March 2003 invasion. "It's stating the obvious."

The NIE, whose contents were first reported by the New York Times, coincides with public statements by senior intelligence officials describing a different kind of conflict than the one outlined by President Bush in a series of recent speeches marking the fifth anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

"Together with our coalition partners," Bush said in an address earlier this month to the Military Officers Association of America, "we've removed terrorist sanctuaries, disrupted their finances, killed and captured key operatives, broken up terrorist cells in America and other nations, and stopped new attacks before they're carried out. We're on the offense against the terrorists on every battlefront, and we'll accept nothing less than complete victory."

But the battlefronts intelligence analysts depict are far more impenetrable and difficult, if not impossible, to combat with the standard tools of warfare.

Although intelligence officials agree that the United States has seriously damaged the leadership of al-Qaeda and disrupted its ability to plan and direct major operations, radical Islamic networks have spread and decentralized.

Many of the new cells, the NIE concludes, have no connection to any central structure and arose independently. The members of the cells communicate only among themselves and derive their inspiration, ideology and tactics from the more than 5,000 radical Islamic Web sites. They spread the message that the Iraq war is a Western attempt to conquer Islam by first occupying Iraq and establishing a permanent presence in the Middle East.

The April NIE, titled "Trends in Global Terrorism: Implications for the United States," does not offer policy prescriptions.

"What these guys at NIC are supposed to do is to lay it out in very clear, understandable terms," said the intelligence official. "It's not the role of the NIC to offer recommendations." Rather, it "basically states the conditions" as the intelligence community sees them, he said.

This official and others would only discuss intelligence analyses on the condition of anonymity.

The National Intelligence Council is tasked with providing long-term assessments of strategic issues for the president and senior policymakers in the form of National Intelligence Estimates. Composed of current and former senior intelligence and national security officials, it is currently chaired by Thomas Fingar, the former head of the State Department's intelligence bureau and now deputy for analysis to Director of National Intelligence John D. Negroponte.

[Rasputin]

An NIE drawn up in the fall of 2002 concluded that Iraq had "continued its weapons of mass destruction [WMD] programs," possessed stockpiles of biological and chemical weapons and "probably will have a nuclear weapon during this decade." All of those judgments, which provided the political and national security underpinnings for the Iraq invasion, turned out to be false.

As part of the intelligence reforms enacted in 2004, control of the NIC was transferred from the CIA director to Negroponte's newly created office, with a mandate to cast a wider net for information throughout the 16-agency intelligence community and among nongovernmental experts.

Negroponte announced last month that the council would begin drafting a new NIE on Iraq in response to a request from the Senate intelligence committee. That estimate is still in the early planning stages, intelligence officials said yesterday. But though the April NIE does not deal specifically with conditions in Iraq, many of its judgments emphasize the influence of the Iraq war on the spread of global terrorism.

According to officials familiar with the document, it describes the situation in Iraq as promoting the spread of radical Islam by providing a focal point, with constant reinforcement of an anti-American message for disaffected Muslims. The Web sites provide a narrative of a war with frequent victories for the insurgents, and describe an occupation that they say regularly targets Islam and its adherents. They also distribute increasingly frequent and sophisticated messages from al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and his deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, urging Muslims wherever they are to take up arms against the "Crusaders" on behalf of Iraq.

Both Bush and bin Laden now consistently describe the Iraq war as the "central front" of the global war, and both are depending on victory there to set the direction of future struggles far afield. Although intelligence officials believe bin Laden's ability to direct major terrorist operations has been greatly diminished, his status as the ideological leader of a global movement that appeals to disaffected Muslims has vastly increased.

The conclusions and tone of the NIE have been reflected in a number of public statements by senior intelligence officials this year. In a February speech at Georgetown University, Negroponte said: "My colleagues and I still view the global jihadist terrorist movement, which emerged from the Afghan-Soviet conflict in the 1980s but is today inspired and led by al-Qaeda, as the preeminent threat to our citizens, homeland interests and friends."

In a sober and comprehensive address to an armed forces group in Texas in April, Gen. Michael V. Hayden, then-deputy to Negroponte and now CIA director, drew heavily from the NIE judgments. If current trends continued, Hayden said, "threats to the U.S. at home and abroad will become more diverse and that could lead to increasing attacks worldwide."

Before delivering the speech, an intelligence official said, Hayden spoke directly to the NIE authors, saying, "I want to make these points" to a public audience.

A series of intelligence assessments on Iraq since the faulty 2002 estimate have portrayed increasingly bleak prospects for democracy-building and stability there.

Even before the invasion, the NIC warned, in January 2003, that the aftermath of a change in government could include long-term internal conflict. A July 2004 NIE outlined a range of possible outcomes to the increasingly difficult security situation there, with the best prospect a government with only tenuous control and the worst a civil war.

National Intelligence Estimates have often sparked controversy, both for what they have said and what they have omitted. A 1997 estimate, the last on global terrorism before the 2001 al-Qaeda attacks, mentioned bin Laden in only three sentences, describing him only as a "terrorist financier" and making no reference at all to al-Qaeda.

The latest terrorism assessment paints a portrait of a global war in which Iraq is less the central front of actual combat than a unifying battle cry for disparate extremist groups and even individuals. "It is just those kinetic actions that lead to the radicalization of others," a senior counterterrorism official said earlier this summer. "Surgical strikes? Nothing is surgical about military operations. They tend to have impacts, affects."

That description contrasts with Bush's emphasis this month on offensive military action in Iraq and elsewhere as the United States' principal road to victory in the global war.

"Many Americans . . . ask the same question five years after 9/11," he said in a speech in Atlanta earlier this month. "The answer is yes. America is safer. We are safer because we have taken action to protect the homeland. We are safer because we are on the offensive against our enemies overseas. We're safer because of the skill and sacrifice of the brave Americans who defend our people."

But "a really big hole" in the U.S. strategy, a second counterterrorism official said, "is that we focus on the terrorists and very little on how they are created. If you looked at all the resources of the U.S. government, we spent 85, 90 percent on current terrorists, not on how people are radicalized."

[Rasputin]

شبکه چهار راديو بی بی سی از اواسط ماه سپتامبر پخش ويژه برنامه هايی را در مورد ايران آغاز کرده است. در قسمت دوم اين مجموعه، بخشی به ماجرای ارسال نامه از سوی ايران برای دولت آمريکا در دوران رياست جمهوری محمد خاتمی (در سال 2003 ميلادی - 1382 خورشيدی) و پيشنهاد جمهوری اسلامی برای حل مسالمت آميز اختلافات دو کشور اختصاص دارد؛ پيشنهادی که با پاسخ رد ايالات متحده روبرو شد تا به زبان تهيه کننده برنامه راديو 4، اين فرصت نيز از دست برود.
آنچه در پی می آيد، برگرفته از اين برنامه راديويی است که صبح روز دوشنبه 25 سپتامبر از شبکه چهار راديوی بی بی سی پخش شد.

يک ماه بعد، ايران در اقدامی بی سابقه، و با واسطه سوييسی ها، نامه ای برای دولت آمريکا فرستاد که در آن آمادگی خود را برای حل همه اختلاف ها اعلام کرده بود.

پيشنهاد ايران

در اين نامه، ايران نه تنها از کمک به ثبات در عراق و دست برداشتن از حمايت گروه های فلسطينی سخن به ميان آورده بود، بلکه پيشنهاد داده بود برای خلع سلاح حزب الله تلاش کرده و تمام فعاليت های هسته ای خود را شفاف کند.


آن نامه برای آمريکايی ها فرستاده شد تا نشان دهد که ما آماده گفتگو و حل معضلات هستيم. اين اقدام در راستای سياست های محمد خاتمی بود که می خواست همه راه های مسالمت آميز را بيازمايد


محمد حسين عادلی، معاون وزير امور خارجه سابق ايران

در ازای اين همه، ايران از آمريکا می خواست از رفتار خصمانه خود نسبت به جمهوری اسلامی دست بکشد و در بيانيه ای تصريح کند که ايران جزو محور شرارت نيست.

محمدحسين عادلی که در آن زمان معاون وزير امور خارجه ايران بود می گويد: "آن نامه برای آمريکايی ها فرستاده شد تا نشان دهد که ما آماده گفتگو و حل معضلات هستيم. اين اقدام در راستای سياست های محمد خاتمی بود که می خواست همه راه های مسالمت آميز را بيازمايد."

در آن دوران ارسال نامه و محتوای آن محرمانه بود. اين نامه می توانست نقطه عطفی باشد اما دستگاه سياست خارجی ايالات متحده اجازه داد اين فرصت به سادگی از دست برود.

پاسخ آمريکا


پاسخ خجالت آوری از طريق مقام های سوييسی برای ايران فرستاده شد... چيزی شبيه به اينکه چطور به خود اجازه می دهيد چنين پيشنهاد گستاخانه ای بدهيد... به نظر من، اين از آن لحظاتی بود که بعدها با خود فکر می کنيد و می گوييد باور نمی کنم که چنين کاری کرديم


لری ويلکينسون، رئيس دفتر وزير امور خارجه سابق آمريکا

لری ويلکينسون، رئيس دفتر کالين پاول، وزير امور خارجه وقت آمريکا، می گويد: "تنها چيزی که من ديدم گزارشی بود از اينکه چنين نامه ای دريافت شده و پاسخ خجالت آوری که از طريق مقام های سوييسی برای ايران فرستاده شد... چيزی شبيه به اينکه چطور به خود اجازه می دهيد چنين پيشنهاد گستاخانه ای بدهيد... به نظر من، اين از آن لحظاتی بود که بعدها با خود فکر می کنيد و می گوييد باور نمی کنم که چنين کاری کرديم."

آقای ويلکينسون در توضيح اينکه در واشنگتن چه گذشت که منتهی به چنين واکنشی از سوی مقام های آمريکايی شد می گويد: "من فقط می توانم حدس بزنم؛ اما حدسم بايد خیلی نزديک به واقعيت باشد... من فکر می کنم که معاون رئيس جمهور [ديک چنی] در بحث هايی که در مورد رد يا پذيرش اين پيشنهاد انجام می شده، [چيزی شبيه به اين گفته باشد] که 'ما با شر صحبت نمی کنيم' و ماجرا را ختم کرده باشد."

اين زمانی بود که دولت آمريکا به لطف پيروزی سريع در عراق، سرمست غرور بود و در عوض ايرانی ها آسيب پذيرتر از هميشه می نمودند. بنابراين منطق سياستمردان آمريکا اينگونه بود که 'چرا گفتگو؟ وقتی می توان از موقعيت برتر شرايط را بر طرف ديگر تحميل کرد.'

اما چيزی نگذشت که ورق برگشت و آنچه پيروزی قطعی آمريکا می نمود، رنگی ديگر به خود گرفت. خشونت در عراق بالا گرفت و نفوذ ايران در خاورميانه پررنگ تر از پيش شد.


ايران با ادامه فعاليت های غنی سازی در نطنز تعهدات بين المللی خود را نقض کرده است. بدون شک ما می خواهيم پيش از آنکه با انجام مذاکره موافقت کنيم، اين برنامه ها و تحقيقات متوقف شود


نيکلاس برنز، معاون سياسی وزير امور خارجه آمريکا

چشم انداز پيش رو

بيش از سه سال از ارسال آن نامه گذشته و آمريکا و ايران، به رغم ابراز تمايل تلويحی هر دو طرف، هنوز نتوانسته اند رودر رو در مورد مناقشه بوجود آمده بر سر فعاليت های هسته ای ايران گفتگو کنند.

نيکلاس برنز، معاون سياسی وزير امور خارجه آمريکا، در اين باره می گويد: "ايران با ادامه فعاليت های غنی سازی در نطنز تعهدات بين المللی خود را نقض کرده است. بدون شک ما می خواهيم پيش از آنکه با انجام مذاکره موافقت کنيم، اين برنامه ها و تحقيقات متوقف شود."

وی در پاسخ به اينکه چرا پيش شرط تعليق غنی سازی برای انجام گفتگوها تا اين اندازه مهم است، می گويد: "اين چيزی است که همه روی آن توافق کرده اند. [شروع مذاکرات بدون تعليق غنی سازی] مثل اين می ماند که به يک نفر در حاليکه يک بطری مشروب خورده اجازه بدهيد در جلسه ای که در آن مشروبات الکلی نوشيده نمی شود، شرکت کند."


اگر خطوط قرمز من درآوردی آمريکا و فشاری که به تبع اين خطوط قرمز بر طرف های مذاکره با ايران وارد می شود، نبود؛ مسئله هسته ای مدت ها پيش حل شده بود


جواد ظريف، نماينده دائم ايران در سازمان ملل متحد

در سوی ديگر، اما، ايرانی ها تقصير گره خوردن مناقشه هسته ای را به گردن طرف آمريکايی می اندازند.

جواد ظريف، نماينده دائم ايران در سازمان ملل متحد، می گويد: "اگر خطوط قرمز من درآوردی آمريکا و فشاری که به تبع اين خطوط قرمز بر طرف های مذاکره با ايران وارد می شود، نبود؛ مسئله هسته ای مدت ها پيش حل شده بود. و من همچنان فکر می کنم اگر آمريکا از سياست تحميل اين خطوط قرمز دست بردارد، مسئله هسته ای هنوز هم در مدت زمان معقولی قابل حل و فصل است."

نامه ای که ايران در سال 2003 ميلادی برای آمريکا فرستاد، يکی از معدود فرصت های پيش آمده در سال های اخير برای گفتگوی دو کشور بود؛ فرصتی که شايد يکبار ديگر در ماه های آينده پيش بيايد و اگر از دست برود، مشخص نيست که در پی آن فرصت ديگری هم باشد.

[Rasputin]

به گزارش خبرگزاری فارس سناى آمريكا بنا دارد فردا جمعه لايحهاى را به بررسى براى راى گيرى قرار دهد كه بر اساس آن تحريم هاى چندين ساله يكجانبه آمريكا عليه ايران را تمديد كرده و بطور غير مستقيم اختياراتى را براى اقدام عليه ايران در اختيار دستگاه ادارى واشنگتن قرار دهد.

به گزارش خبرنگار فارس از لندن و به نقل از شعبه آمريكايى نهاد مدنى "مبارزه عليه تحريم و اقدام نظامى عليه ايران" معروف به "كاسمى"، شروع بحث در خصوص اين موضوعها در نتيجه تفاهمى بين نمايندگان جمهوريخواه مجلس هاى سنا و نمايندگان و مسوولان دولت آمريكا مى باشد.
كاسمى نهادى است كه در سال گذشته و در پى افزايش تهديدهاى آمريكا و انگليس عليه ايران جهت مقابله با اين تهديدها راه اندازى شده و در هر دو كشور انگليس و آمريكا فعال مى باشد.
كاسمى افزوده است، بر اساس برنامه هاى كارى مجلس سنا كه پيشتر اعلام شده بود، قرار بود اين مجلس فقط موضوع تمديد سالانه قانون موسوم به "تحريم يكجانبه ايران- ليبى( ايلسا) را مطرح كند.
به نوشته اين نهاد، ولى در پى تفاهمى كه برقرار شده لايحه اى تقديم سنا شده كه در صورت تصويب علاوه بر آن كه تحريم يكجانبه ايران تا دسامبر سال 2011 ميلادى (پنج سال ديگر) تمديد مى شود، پيشنهادهاى سناتور "ريك سانتوريوم" به استناد "قانون حمايت از آزادى ايران" معروف به "آى اف اس اى" و حمايت علنى از گروههاى مخالف ايران نيز جنبه اجرايى به خود مى گيرد.
حاميان اين لايحه در مجلس استدلال ميكنند كه تقويت تحريم ها عليه ايران و اعلام حمايت رسمى از گروههاى "به اصطلاح" حامى دموكراسى براى تضعيف حكومت ايران ضرورى مى باشد.
اين دسته از نمايندگان براى تقويت استدلال خود به خوددارى ايران از اجراى قطعنامه شوراى امنيت سازمان ملل در خصوص توقف برنامه هاى هسته اى ايران اشاره مى كنند و آن را سندى دال بر اين كه به روند سختگيرانه ترى عليه ايران نياز مى باشد، معرفى مى كنند.
به نوشته كاسمي، اما در مقابل، نمايندگان مخالف اين لايحه با استناد به نقطه نظرهاى طرح شده از سوى گروهها و افراد ناراضى ايرانى استدلال مى كنند عرضه كمكهاى مالى و حمايت از گروههاى هوادار دموكراسى فقط منجر به سخت تر شدن فعاليت آنها خواهد شد.
اين گروه از نمايندگان همچنين معتقدند اعمال تحريم هاى بيشتر فقط موجب خسارت مردم ايران و نه دولت در اين كشور خواهد شد.
مخالفان لايحه معتقدند، در حالى كه در شرايط فعلى گفتگوهاى حساسى بين اتحاديه اروپا و ايران در برلين در جريان است، زمانى كه براى طرح اين لايحه در مجلس سنا انتخاب شده تخريب كننده اين مذاكرات مى باشد و طبيعت اين لايحه قادر است پنجره هاى كوچك باقى مانده براى ادامه ديپلماسى را كه تاكنون باز مانده است، به سرعت ببندد.
كاسمى به نقل از يك نهاد ديگر ايرانى امريكايى موسوم به "شوراى ملى ايرانيان آمريكايى" اعلام كرده است، نمايندگان مجلس سنا در حال آخرين بحث ها در مرحله قبل از راى گيرى مى باشند.
اين دو نهاد از ايرانيان مقيم آمريكا درخواست كردهاند با نمايندگان ايالتى كه در آن زندگى مى كنند تماس گرفته و نقطه نظرهاى خود را در باره لايحه مطرح كنند.

[Rasputin]

تنها چند روز پس از آنكه "خاوير سولانا" مسوول سياست خارجى اتحاديه اروپا، برغم
فشارهاى واشنگتن موفق شد درهاى بسته مساله هستهاى ايران را با گشودن باب مذاكرات باز كند، سخنگوى وزارت خارجه آمريكا تاييد كرد كه مذاكرات سه كشور اروپايى به همراه چين و روسيه با ايران آغاز خواهد شد.


"شان مك كورمك" روز چهارشنبه به خبرنگاران گفت: اين اقدام ،ضربه به اتحاد جامعه بينالملل نميزند و در اصول همه يك مطلب را ميخواهند و بين آنها اختلافى وجود ندارد و آمريكا نيز به محض توقف غنيسازي، به آن مذاكرات ميپيوندد.

وى افزود: در حال حاضر نيز سولانا تنها از طرف سه كشور اروپايى با ايران مذاكره نميكند، بلكه از طرف همه اعضاى گروه شش از جمله آمريكا با نماينده ايران مذاكره ميكند و بين سولانا و آنچه كه گروه ميخواهد، هماهنگى وجود دارد.

سخنگوى وزارت خارجه آمريكا اظهارداشت: "كاندوليزا رايس" وزير امور خارجه روز چهارشنبه تلفنى با سولانا گفت و گو كرد.

مك كورمك گفت كه سولانا در آن تماس تلفنى به رايس گفته است كه چنانچه به ايرانيان زمان اندكى بدهيم، ممكن است گشايشى ايجاد و با پاسخ مثبت آنان مواجه شويم.

وى افزود: پاسخ رايس به سولانا نيز اين بوده كه اگر طى چند روز و يا چند هفته آينده امكان تغييرى در مذاكرات و يافتن راهحلى وجود داشته باشد، قطعا واشنگتن با دادن اين زمان به ايرانيان موافق است.

سخنگوى وزارت خارجه آمريكا گفت كه به اين ترتيب تلاشهاى واشنگتن براى اعمال تحريم عليه تهران به تعويق ميافتد.

مك كورمك افزود:انتظار ميرود يك يا دو ملاقات ديگر هم ميان لاريجانى و سولانا صورت گيرد كه اين بخشى از تاكتيك ايرانيان است، اما ما قلبا اميدواريم كه ايران راه مذاكره را پيش بگيرد و پاسخ مثبت دهد.

وى گفت: ايرانيان قضيه را طول ميدهند، اما همانطور كه رايس گفته است وقت محدود است، وقت و صبر حدى دارد، الان مساله اعتبار شوراى امنيت در ميان است.

سخنگوى وزارت خارجه آمريكا تصريح كرد: ما ميخواهيم مشكل از طريق ديپلماسى حل شود و در حال حاضر توپ در زمين ايرانيان است تا پاسخ مثبت بدهند.

وی در عين حال اشاره كرد كه نيكلاس برنز همچنان به مذاكرات مرتبط با تحريم ادامه ميدهد تا اگر راه ديگرى نداشتيم، تحريم را شروع كنيم.