Iranian Military Power

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ويژگي هاي ناوچه موشك انداز جوشن تشريح شد


ناوچه موشك انداز جوشن در حالي صبح امروز رسماً در حضور رهبر معظم انقلاب به نيروي دريايي ارتش پيوست كه جزو بهترين ناوچه هاي هم نسل خود در جهان محسوب ميشود.



،اين شناور كه از قابليت هاي ويژه و منحصر به فردي برخوردار است، جزو بهترين ناوچه هاي موشك انداز در جهان محسوب مي شود.
سابقه ساخت اين نسل از تجهيزات دفاعي نيز به زماني باز ميگردد كه ايران نتوانست در سال 1382 سه فروند ناوچه ساخت كشورهاي غربي را وارد آبهاي درياي خزر كند و به همين دليل نيروي دريايي ارتش اقدام به طراحي و سپس ساخت ناوچه اي با نام پيكان كرد كه در مدت 18 ماه كار ساخت آن به پايان رسيد.
پس از اضافه شدن اين ناوچه به نيروي دريايي كشورمان، توان دفاعي كشور به نحو چشمگيري افزايش يافته و ايران به جمع معدود كشورهاي داراي اين سطح از تكنولوژي دست يافت.
فرمانده نيروي دريايي ارتش پيرامون خصوصيات اين ناوچه گفت: ناوچه جوشن از آخرين فنآوري روز دنيا در زمينه ساخت بدنه، سامانههاي تسليحاتي، الكتريكي و الكترونيكي، قدرت آتش توپخانهاي و موشكي سنگين برخوردار است.
امير كوچكي در تشريح قابليت هاي "جوشن"اعلام كرد: اين ناوچه موشك انداز نيز دومين ناوچه پس از پيكان بوده كه از قابليت هاي زير برخوردار است: سرعت بالاي 45 گره دريايي كه از ناوچه هاي هم نسل خود كه در اختيار ديگر كشورهاست، سريعتر حركت مي كند، استفاده از موشك هاي مختلف با برد بالاي 100 كيلومتر، قدرت مانور بالا براي منحرف كردن اژدر در كنار استفاده از پيشرفته ترين توپ دريايي جهان كه تفصيل آن در گذشته اعلام شد.
وي با تقدير و عرض ارادت به محضر فرماندهي كل قوا به خاطر تشريف فرمايي و بازديد از اين ناوچه اظهار داشت: در آينده نزديك نيز نسل هاي جديدتري از ناوشكن هاي موشك انداز ساخت داخل براي دفاع از مرزهاي آبي كشورمان به كار گرفته خواهد شد.

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25 نوع از موشكهاي دفاعي-تهاجمي ايران در رژه امروز بهصحنه آمدند

جديدترين سامانهها و تجهيزات دفاعي كه به دست توانمند متخصصان كشورمان ساخته شده، پيش از ظهر امروز در مراسم رژه نيروهاي مسلح كشورمان به نمايش گذاشته شد.


در آغازين روز از هفته بزرگداشت دفاع مقدس مراسم رژه يگانهاي منتخب نيروهاي مسلح كشورمان با حضور فرماندهان ارتش، سپاه پاسداران، نيروي انتظامي، وزير دفاع و رئيس ستاد كل نيروهاي مسلح به همراه معاون اول رئيس جمهور برگزار شد.
پس از رژه يگانهاي مختلف پياده سپاه، ارتش و نيروي انتظامي، عبور ادوات و تجهيزات مختلف اين نيروها آغاز شد و ابتدا يگان دوش پرتاب ارتش مجهز به سلاحهاي سهند 3 و انواع آر پي جي از مقابل جايگاه عبور كرد.
انواع هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين موسوم به پهپاد همچون صاعقه، قائم، خاتم، سهند، صياد، مرصاد و ابابيل كه توسط وزارت دفاع كشورمان ساخته شده، انواع نفربرهاي بهينه سازي شده، تانك ها، سامانههاي پرتاب موشك هايي چون تاو و كاتيوشا نيز توسط معاونت تحقيقات و جهاد خودكفايي نيروي زميني در معرض ديد حاضران قرار گرفت.
در ادامه نيز انواع تجهيزات گروه توپخانه ارتش مانند توپهاي كششي ضد هوايي در كنار ماشينهاي نقشهبرداري، سامانههاي راداري، بيسيم، خودروهاي شنود سيار، رادار مراقبت زميني و انواع جهت يابها به نمايش درآمد.
يگانهاي نيروي زميني سپاه پاسداران نيز با تجهيزاتي مثل تانك T72S، T72Z، انواع نفربرها مانند براق و ديگر تانك هاي مدرنيزه شده در اين رژه شركت كرده بود.
معرفي انواع راكتاندازها همچون زلزال 1،فجر5، توپ هاي 340 م.م، 122م.م، 155م.م، 130م.م، ماشين هاي زرهي درخش و ايستگاه هاي رفع آلودگي ديگر تجهيزات نيروي زميني سپاه بود.
يگان مخابرات و الكترونيك نزسا نيز انواع سيتم هاي ارتباطي سيار، جهت ياب، شنود و جنگ الكترونيك، سيستم مختل كننده جنگ الكترونيك دشمن را در اين رژه به فرماندهان و بازديدكنندگان حاضر در مراسم امروز نشان داد.
در ادامه رژه نيروهاي مسلح ، يگان هاي نمونه نيروي هوايي ارتش، انواع سامانه هاي پرتاب موشك مانند S200، موشك راداري هاگ، موشك هاي هوا به زمين و هوا به هوا، بمب 750 پوندي، موشكهاي حرارتي، راداري، رادار كشف هدف هاگ، موشكهاي زمين به زمين نازعات 6 و 10 را از مقابل جايگاه عبور دادند.
نيروي هوايي سپاه نيز با نمايش موشك غرورآفرين شهاب 3 با برد 2 هزار كيلومتر، راكت زلزال، سكوهاي پرتاب موشك شهاب 1، 2و 3، سام6، تندر 69، راكت زمين به زمين N10، سكوي پرتاب موشك طارق، موشك پدافندي زمين به هواي HQ2، ايستگاه كنترل پهپاد و انواع هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين مانند هدهد و مهاجر ، اقتدار خود را به معرض ديد همگان گذاشت.
در ادامه اين رژه كه نزديك به دو ساعت به طول انجاميد، نيروي دريايي ارتش جمهوري اسلامي ناوچه پيكان، موشك دريايي ذوالفقار، موشك هاي سطح به سطح، موشكهاي ضد دريايي و ضد سطحي، موشك ضد هوايي فجر و نوعي ميدجت را به نمايش گذاشت.
در پايان مراسم اولين روز هفته بزرگداشت دفاع مقدس نيز يگانهاي منتخب ناجا مانند يگان ويژه در كنار موتورسواران و خودروهاي راهنمايي و رانندگي از مقابل فرماندهان و مسئولان حاضر در مراسم عبور كردند.

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نسل جديد هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين تحويل نيروهاي مسلح شد


همزمان با سومين روز از هفته دفاع مقدس با حضور وزير دفاع، نسل جديد هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين به يگانهاي عملياتي سپاه و ارتش تحويل داده شد.


به نقل از اداره كل تبليغات دفاعي وزارت دفاع، مصطفي محمد نجار ،وزير دفاع و پشتيباني نيروهاي مسلح در مراسم تحويل نسل جديد هواپيماي بدون سرنشين كه در صنايع هوايي قدس وابسته به سازمان صنايع هوايي وزارت دفاع برگزار گرديد، گفت: در طراحي و ساخت اين محصول استراتژيك به خودكفايي كامل رسيدهايم.
نجار افزود: به زودي نيز با تحويل انواع هواپيماي بدون سرنشين به نيروي انتظامي همه خطوط مرزي كشور به وسيله اين نوع هواپيما كنترل و ضريب امنيتي در مرزهاي كشور به طور قابل توجهي افزايش خواهد يافت.
وزير دفاع انجام بيش از 1000 ساعت سورتي پرواز با هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين و انجام ماموريتهاي كنترل و مراقبت مرزها، نقشهبرداري، مبارزه با مواد مخدر، ترافيك شهري را نشان از كارآيي مناسب اين نوع هواپيما ذكر كرد.
نجار با بيان اين كه آينده صنعت هوايي در اختيار اين نوع هواپيما است، تاكيد كرد: يكي از رويكردهاي اصلي وزارت دفاع در صنايع هوايي روزآمدسازي اين صنعت براي تامين نيازمنديهاي نيروهاي مسلح است.
وزير دفاع تاكيد كرد: نسل جديد هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين با همت و تلاش متخصصان صنايع هوايي وزارت دفاع طراحي شده است كه امروز شاهد تحويل اولين سري آن به يگانهاي عملياتي سپاه و ارتش هستيد.
نجار، برد زياد، قدرت مانور بسيار، دقت عمل فوقالعاده، انعطافپذيري مطلوب، سازگاري اين تجهيزات با شرايط متنوع اقليمي كشور و استاندارد بالا را از مزيتهاي نسل جديد هواپيماهاي بدون سرنشين ذكر كرد.
وزير دفاع تصريح كرد: صنايع دفاعي به مرحلهاي از بالندگي و خوداتكايي نايل شدهاند كه قادرند بدون وابستگي به خارج، سير تحول و پويايي را با شتاب طي كنند.

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انقلاب اسلامي ايران چون شجره طيبهاي در منطقه سر برآورده و بدست مردان و زنان فداكارش در حال بارور شدن بود.

قدرتهاي استكباري جهان مدتها با طرح و نقشههاي مختلف از جمله كودتا و ايجاد بحران در مناطق مختلف كشور به دنبال منافع از دست رفته خود بودند.

بهترين راه و آخرين حربه در ضربه زدن به كشور عزيزمان را وادار ساختن نوكري دست نشانده در همسايگي غربي، ديكتاتور سرنگون شده عراق " صدام " به آغاز تهاجم ديدند تا ما را وارد جنگي ناخواسته كنند.

در پس هر جنگي انگيزهاي نهفتهاست كه آغاز حملهوحشيانه لشگر تا بن دندان مسلح بعثي به ۱۳۵۷كيلومتر مرز كشورمان جزبههدف نابودي انقلاب اسلامي نبود.

دشمن ميكوشيد تا از راه جنگ سرمايههاي مادي ومعنوي وبخصوص نيروي انساني ما را نابود و حلقهاي بر زنجير دسيسههاي شيطاني خود بيافزايد تا شايد از اين راه مانع استقلال كه خاري در چشم آنان بود گردد.

شهريورماه سال ،۱۳۵۹نيروهاي نظامي ماكههنوزداراي آرايش خاص و انقلابيون نيز آموزش خاصي نبودند خيلي زود به جنگي نابرابر فراخوانده شدند كه چاره و وظيفهاي جز " دفاع " از كيان مقدس كشورمان نبود.

ما به خوبي ميدانستيم جنگ چه عواقبي دارد، زندگي سرشار از اميد را تباه ميسازد ، با به اسارت كشيدن انسانها آنان را خوار و خفيف ساخته و راهي اردوگاهها ميكند ، برخلاف ميل انساني او را به كشتار وا ميدارد و ارزشهاي مادي گرانبهايي را كه حاصل تلاش و كوشش كار است نابود و ويران ميكند، اما آيا در مقابل تجاوز دشمن چارهاي جز دفاع بود ؟
متفكران بزرگ دنيا كه پيشگامان صلحطلبي بودهاندجملگي بر اين امر واقفند كههمهجنگها را نميتوان از اساس محكوم كرد بلكه بايد حق و حقوقي قائل بود.

اينان معتقدند، تا زمانيكه قدرتهايي وجود دارند كه بيرحمانه خواهان نابودي ديگران براي دسترسي به منافع خود هستند ، ملتها بايد خود را براي جنگ ( كه همان دفاع منظور ماست ) مسلح و آماده نگه دارند.

دانشمند آمريكايي " بنجامين فرانكلين " بر اين باور است كه " هرگز جنگي خوب و صلحي بد وجود نداشته است " ، حال بايد گفت ملت ما پيشاپيش بر اين عقيده بوده، هرگز سابقه تجاوز نداشته و در خانه خود مشغول ساختن و آبادي است كه به او حمله شد چگونه ميتواند جنگ طلب باشد ؟ پس ايرانيان بزرگترين مخالفان جنگ بوده و هستند.

وقتي به ملت و كشوري تعدي ميشود احساسات مليگرايانه و ناسيوناليستي در جاي خود و بياختيار طغيان ميكند و آن نيروي عظيم ايجاد ميشود كه دشمن جلودارش نبود و با هيچ نظريهپردازي و طرح استدلالهاي محكم علمي هم نميتوان شوقاينانسانها را از بين برد وحتي تضعيف كرد و از شركت در دفاع باز داشت.

مردم ما با يكپارچگي و حفظ وحدت ملي اسلامي خود در دفاع از ميهن استفاده كامل بردند واين عامل را كه متفكران دنيا نيز معتقدند " شكست زور از طريق اتحاد امكان پذير است " بصورتي عملي در رويارويي با متجاوز به رخ كشيدند.

نيروهاي مبارز در ستيز با دشمن متجاوز دو غريزه" عشق " كه خواهان صيانت نفس و وحدت زندگي است و " پرخاشگري " كه خواهان نفرت و تخريب است در هم آميختند، يعني دو عاملي كه همواره در تقابل هستند ، عشق را در راه حب وطن و نفرت را عليه دشمن بكار بردند.

چرا كهاين غرايز قادر به فعاليت جداگانه نبوده و هميشه تا حدي با ديگري همراه است به گونهاي كه اين در هم آميختگي است كه هدف را تعديل و يا تحت شرايطي نيل به آن را ممكن ميسازد.

طبيعي است كه غريزه تخريب محبوبيتي ندارد اما از اهميت ويژه برخوردار است . پيدايش " وجدان " در چرخش همين غريزه است و اينجاست كه وجدانها را بيدار و آگاهميكند تابه خودآيند ومحو تمايلات پرخاشگرانه به تنهايي نگردند و باهمين وجدان بيدار بودكه فرزندان ميهن بهدفاع از وطن خود همت گماردند.

مردم ما از غريزه پرخاشگرانه پيامدهاي سودمندي بردند كه نتيجه آن حفظ كشور و نظام اسلامي بود وخطراتش را نيز بهجان خريدند وبهاي آن را پرداختند چون آگاه بودند كه در كارزار با دشمن چيزي جز گلوله، آتش وكشته شدن نيست.

هر دو نظريه صلحطلبان دنيا در پيشگيري از وقوع جنگها يعني "نگرش فرهنگي و ترس از تاثيرات و پيامدهاي جنگ" ميتواند انگيزههاي دفاع باشد چرا كه در نظريات انديشمندان بزرگ ديني ، غير ديني و جامعه متحد همين فرهنگ " جهاد و ايستادگي در مقابل متجاوز و تعديكننده " تاكيد شدهاست.

از سوي ديگر " ترس " در تجاوز بروز و رشد ميكند نه در دفاع از خانه و كاشانهاي كه در آن سنگر گرفته بوديم و بالعكس متجاوزان بودند كه بايد ترس در خانههاي ما بر آنان مستولي ميگشت.

كشورمان را وارد جنگي ناخواسته كردند و ما نيز به دفاع از كشور، دين و ناموس خود مشغول بوديم اما در اين بين نقش و وظيفه نهادهاي عريض و طويل بينالمللي كه قادر به بروز جنگها نبودند نيز رنگ باخته وانگار وجود خارجي نداشت.

با آنكه همگان بر اين اصل واقفند كه بيترديد قدرت طلبي ، زيادهخواهي و ميل به جهانخواري قدرتهاي كوچك وبزرگ يكي از علل وقوع جنگهاست با اين حال به قول " زيگموند فرويد " : اين زور بوده كه همواره بر حقوق ملتها فائق آمده است و سازمانها و نهادهاي بينالمللي نيز تحت تاثير همين اصل قرار داشتند و نتوانستند باعث جلوگيري از تجاوز شوند.

نهادهاي بينالمللي به سان آسيابي بودند كه چنان آهسته آسياب ميكرد كه تا آرد بدست آيد آدمي از گرسنگي جان دادهاست و ملت ما بايد دست بروي دست مينشست تا حد و حدود مشخص ، متجاوز شناسايي و سر جايش بنشيند.

دشمن پشت دروازههاي شهرهايمان بود وراهي جزدفاع نداشتيم و ادامه مبارزه تا كركسهاي متجاوز به آشيانه خود برگردند.

درگرماگرم مبارزه، نداي صلحطلبي مردم ماكه صلحطلبي مبارزهجو بودند براي رسيدن به حق خود كه همانا آرامش بود هيچ گوش شنوايي نداشت، اما سالها بعد كه توان و نيروي عظيم ايران را ديدند به فكر توقف جنگ برآمدند كه هيچگونه تضمين بينالمللي نداشت و براي عمل به تعهدات ، طرف ما رژيم بعثي بود كه قرارداد بينالمللي الجزاير را جلو دوربينها پاره كرد!
هشت سال دفاع مقدس ملت ما و رشادتهاي دلير مردان و شير زنان اين سرزمين كه با خرد ، ايثار و شهادت همراه بود چون نگيني در انگشتري خوش نقش تاريخ ايران زمين خواهد درخشيد و فكر تجاوز را از هر اهريمني خواهد ربود.

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پس از يك ميليون و چهارصد هزار نفر ساعت فعاليت؛

خط توليد پيشرفتهترين توپ دريايي جهان راه اندازي شد


همزمان با ششمين روز از هفته دفاع مقدس خط توليد توپ دريايي تمام اتوماتيك هوشمند و دو منظوره 76 ميليمتري فجر 27 در گروه صنعتي حديد سازمان صنايع دفاعي وزارت دفاع با حضور وزير دفاع و پشتيباني نيروهاي مسلح افتتاح شد.
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توپ دريايي فجر 27 يك سلاح تدافعي مدرن است كه قابليت انهدام هدفهاي سطحي و هوايي را دارد و متخصصان گروه صنعتي حديد وابسته به صنايع دفاع پس از تلاشي 6 ساله موفق به ساخت آن شدهاند.
اين سلاح با برخورداري از فناوري بسيار پيشرفته،قادر است در مقابل هر گونه تهاجم سطحي و هوايي از خود عكسالعمل سريع نشان داده و آن را رفع نمايد. نواخت شليك بسيار بالا، قابليت كنترل تمام اتوماتيك، قابليت نصب بر روي سيستمهاي يدك شونده نيز از ديگر مزيتهاي اين توپ دريايي به شمار مي رود.
طراحي و ساخت 22000 قطعه و ايجاد هماهنگي دقيق بين 30 مجموعه مكانيكي و الكترونيكي كه قابليت شليك 120 گلوله در دقيقه را در توپ دريايي فجر 27 ايجاد كرده اند ديگر موفقيت وزارت دفاع در ساخت اين وسيله پيشرفته است.
بنابر اين گزارش، اولين قبضه توپ دريايي فجر 27 توسط نيروي دريايي ارتش جمهوري اسلامي ايران در جريان بازديد فرمانده معظم كل قوا از پايگاه دريايي نوشهر بر روي ناوچه موشك انداز جوشن نصب و مورد بازديد ايشان قرار گرفت.
تاكنون فقط كشورهاي آمريكا و ايتاليا تكنولوژي ساخت پيشرفته ترين توپ دريايي جهان را در اختيار داشتند و طراحي و ساخت اين وسيله توسط متخصصان وزارت دفاع انحصار اين كشورها را در هم شكست كه در آينده نزديك امكان صادرات آن نيز با توجه به هزينه پائين توليد در كشور فراهم خواهد شد.
منظور از دو منظوره بودن نيز آن است كه توپ دريايي فجر 27، اين قابليت را داراست كه علاوه بر هدف قرار دادن ناوچه و شناورهاي دشمن، قايق هاي تندرو و موشك هاي سطحي، بالگردها و موشك هاي ضد كشتي را نيز منهدم سازد و اهدافي تا 23 هزار پا در تير رس آن قرا دارند.
از مسلح شدن بدون دخالت نفر، قدرت مانور بالا، قابليت شليك در شرايط مختلف آب و هوايي و سخت ترين شرايط و زمان آماده سازي بسيار كم (حدود 4 ثانيه) به عنوان ديگر مزيت هاي اين وسيله مدرن نام برده مي شود.
فجر 27 كه پس از يك ميليون و چهارصد هزار نفر ساعت تلاش، آماده بهره برداري شده است، داراي برد موثر 12 هزار متر، برد نهايي 17 هزار متر، سرعت رهگيري بسيار زياد در كنار قدرت و حجم آتش بالا بوده و توان دريايي نيروهاي مسلح كشور را بيش از پيش قدرتمند مي سازد.

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امير كوچكي گفت: يادشان باشد نيروي دريايي ارتش در يك نبرد سرنوشت ساز، هسته مركزي نيروي دريايي عراق را در عرض 24 ساعته از بين برد و حتي با وجود نيروهاي آمريكا، راههاي مواصلاتي آبي را به سمت بنادر دشمن بست.
وي افزود: آنها به خوبي نقش رهبري انقلاب، روحيه رزمي و وطن دوستي و شهادت طلبي نيروهاي مسلح را ميدانند و بعيد ميدانم كه بخواهند دوباره آن را تجربه كنند.
فرمانده نيروي دريايي ارتش همچنين به نظران متخصصان مختلف درخصوص تجهيزات و دستاوردهاي دفاعي كشورمان اشاره كرد و گفت: دوستان و كارشناسان بيطرف از اين توانمنديها احساس شگفتي و شادي مي كنند و افتخار دارند كه يك كشور مستقل و اسلامي به اين موفقيت رسيده است اما برخي سعي در تضعيف و تحريف اين توان داشته و تحليلهاي اشتباهي را ارائه مي كنند كه مثال آن همين موشك تحليل نادرست موشك ثاقب و جنگندههاي جديد ارتش بود.
امير دريادار كوچكي در پايان اين گفتگو مهمترين اقدامات دوره فرماندهي خود را برگزاري موفق دو رزمايش، تدوين استراتژي دفاع همه جانبه در دريا، ساخت ناوچه موشك انداز، انواع زيردريايي و احياي روحيه انسان محوري در نداجا ميداند و خبر خوب خود را نيز چنين اعلام ميكند: انواع زيردريايي نسل جديد توليد ايران به زودي وارد ناوگان خليج فارس مي شود كه انواع موشك ها و اژدرهاي پيشرفته ساخت داخل بر روي آن نصب است و توانستهايم انحصار معدود كشورهاي سازنده اين تجهيزات را بشكنيم؛ البته شناورهاي جديدي نيز در راه است.

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Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL)

The regular military [the Artesh] and IRGC are subordinate to the Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL). This new ministry, established in 1989, was first headed by Akbar Torkan, a civilian and a former head of the defense industries establishment. MODAFL curtailed the institutional autonomy of the IRGC and brought it under the overall defense umbrella. The IRGC Ministry was scrapped, and its command structures were brought within the new MODAFL.

The Ministry of Defense handles administrative matters for the regular armed forces. The chain of command flowed from senior unit commanders (division, wing, and fleet) to intermediate-echelon service commanders and to service commanders in chief and their staffs. Similarly, the Ministry of the Pasdaran handled the administrative affairs of the Pasdaran. The chain of command flowed from senior unit commanders (operational brigades in the case of combat units) to the ministry staff officers. In the case of internal security units, the chain of command went from local commanders to provincial commanders (who were colonels) and then to provincial general commanders (who were generals).
Joint Staff

The Joint Staff of the armed forces, composed of officers assigned from the various services, the Pasdaran, the National Police, and the Gendarmerie, was responsible for all operational matters. Its primary tasks included military planning and coordination and operational control over the regular services, combat units of the Pasdaran, and units of the Gendarmerie and National Police assigned to the war front. Joint Staff members were also empowered to integrate fully the regular and paramilitary forces in operational planning. The components of the armed forces Joint Staff were modeled on the United States joint and combined staff system.

Staff members of J1--Personnel and Administration--conducted planning and liaison duties with their counterparts at the ministries of defense, interior, and the Pasdaran. They also supervised budgeting and financial accountability and the preparation of operational budgets for Majlis approval for all the armed services.

Personnel of J2--Intelligence and Security--carried out operational control for intelligence planning, intelligence operations, intelligence training, counterintelligence, and security for all elements of the armed forces. They also handled liaison with the komitehs (revolutionary committees) for internal security matters and with SAVAMA for foreign intelligence (see SAVAMA , this ch.).

Staff members of J3--Operations and Training--conducted training, operational planning, operations, and communications. The operational planning and operations sections were further divided into eleven subsections for planning and coordination of the services, including: the Iranian Islamic Ground Forces (IIGF), IIGF Aviation, IIGF Chemical Troops, IIGF Artillery Troops, IIGF Engineer Troops, Iranian Islamic Air Force (IIArF), Iranian Islamic Navy (IIN), IIN Aviation, the Pasdaran, the Gendarmerie, and the National Police.

Personnel of J4--Logistics and Support--coordinated and provided liaison for the services. Primary responsibility for logistics and supply rested with the services through the ministries of defense, interior, and the Pasdaran; collection and coordination of supplies and coordination of transportation to the war front, however, remained under the control of J4.

Staff members of J5--Liaison--handled liaison and coordination with nonmilitary organizations and with those military organizations not covered by Joint Staff-level arrangements. Organizations covered by J5 included the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of the Pasdaran, Office of the Prime Minister, Council of Ministers' Secretariat, SDC, Majlis (particularly the Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee), the Foundation for Popular Mobilization, the Foundation for the Disinherited, the Foundation for Martyrs (Bonyad-e Shahid), the Foundation for War Victims, and the Crusade for Reconstruction (Jihad- e Sazandegi or Jihad).

The office of the staff judge advocate provided legal counsel to the Joint Staff and facilitated liaison with the revolutionary prosecutor general and the military tribunal system of the armed forces. The Political-Ideological Directorate (P-ID) staff members operated the political-ideological bureaus of the Joint Staff components and the political-ideological directorates and bureaus of the operational commands. This office also developed and disseminated political-ideological training materials, in close cooperation with the Foundation for the Propagation of Islam and the Islamic associations of the services. Finally, P-ID members conducted liaison duties between the Joint Staff and the Islamic Revolutionary Court of the Armed Forces.

Members of the Inspectorate General handled oversight functions over the staff components and liaison with the inspectors general of the operational commands. Special Office for Procurements staff members controlled and coordinated procurement of military equipment and supplies from foreign sources through the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of the Pasdaran, the Ministry of Commerce and Foreign Trade, and the Central Bank of Iran.
Operational Commands

In general, operational area commands were subordinate to the Joint Staff, and each armed force component was subordinate to the operational area command in accordance with its own command structure. In 1987 there was only the Western Operational Area Command, which was responsible for the war with Iraq. Established to provide more effective control of wartime operations, this area may have been the precursor of the planned Northern, Southern, and Eastern Operational Area Commands.

The Western Operational Area Command was similar in structure to the armed forces Joint Staff except that it was also the lowest operational echelon at which naval forces were integrated into combined-services operations and planning. Although operational area command Joint Staff members exercised operational control over all troops within their area, they were subject to several constraints. Generally speaking, Pasdaran, Gendarmerie, and National Police units operating in an internal security mission, particularly against insurgents, were detached from the operational area command and subordinated to the senior Pasdaran commander in the province in which they were engaged. Air and naval units continued to be partially controlled by their service commanders and responded to the Western Operational Area Command Joint Staff through specialized liaison staffs. The commander of the operational area was further burdened by the presence at his headquarters of an SDC representative and a personal representative of Khomeini. Both of these influential individuals could effectively take any matter over the commander's head to higher authority. In 1987 the SDC representative in the Western Operational Area Command was also the Pasdaran commander for the operational area command, a situation that further complicated the command and control system.

Below the Operational Area Command were four field headquarters (FHQ), code-named FHQ Karbala, FHQ Hamzeh Seyyed ash Shohada, FHQ Ramadah, and FHQ An Najaf. The FHQs were organized on the model of the Western Operational Area Command except that they did not have naval integration. Subordinate to each FHQ were from three to eight operational sectors. Each operational sector did not necessarily have its own air support unit.

Additional echelons consisting of a commander and staff drawn from the Joint Staff of the participating FHQs could be created during major offensives. The purpose of these echelons was to overcome logistical shortcomings, concentrate and deploy forces as needed, and combine the services, particularly the naval forces, in offensive operations.

The reorganization of the command-and-control system could largely be attributed to the Urumiyeh proposals. The war with Iraq naturally increased the level of integration, particularly between regular military officers commanding Pasdaran units and Pasdaran officers commanding regular military units. The Pasdaran fell administratively under the Ministry of Defense in 1989. Logistical problems also came under increasing scrutiny because of the war. The military's weak infrastructure required the centralization of logistics and supply. The sophisticated computer inventory and accounting systems of the ground, air, and naval logistical commands had been sabotaged during the Revolution, and the country lost valuable time while bringing these systems back into service. Improvements in logistical support proved quite rewarding, revealing, for example, that Iran possessed twice as many critical spare parts for its aircraft as were previously believed to exist. Nevertheless, the Iranian armed forces faced a logistical dilemma in deploying supplies to troops at the front; lack of maintenance skills translated into a decreased repair and salvage capacity, creating serious bottlenecks. Vehicles in need of repair had to be transported to repair centers hundreds of kilometers from the front, along stretches of poorly maintained roads and railroads. Under such circumstances cannibalization of damaged equipment for spare parts, particularly for sophisticated equipment, became the norm. Without a solution in sight, Iranian authorities relied on the "down time" between major offensives to resupply units before resuming offensive operations. This practice further prolonged the war, because multiphased operations could not be launched and sustained.

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Personnel

Armed forces manpower increased substantially throughout the 1970s as the shah implemented Iran's "guardian" role in the Gulf. Following the outbreak of the Revolution, there was a sharp drop in the number of military personnel, which in 1982 stood at 235,000, including the Pasdaran but excluding reserves. In contrast, total military personnel, including the Pasdaran but excluding reserves, stood at 704,500 in 1986. In addition to active-duty personnel, some 400,000 veterans, organized in reserve units after the outbreak of the war, were subject to recall to duty. Two-thirds of army personnel were conscripts; in the air force and navy, the majority were volunteers.

The National Military Academy was the largest single source of commissioned officers in the 1970s, but since 1980 a significant number of commissions have been awarded for wartime heroism and leadership at the front. Although air force and navy officers had attended military academies or participated in cadet programs in the United States, Britain, or Italy before 1979, few foreign contacts have been recorded since the Revolution. In the few instances in which contact was established, it was with Asian states, namely China and North Korea. Unlike the army, the air force and navy have experienced high attrition, and it must be assumed that operations have been streamlined to be effective with fewer personnel.

Class differences in the armed forces remained virtually undisturbed by the Revolution. Commissioned officers came from upper class families, career noncommissioned and warrant officers from the urban middle class, and conscripts from lower class backgrounds. By 1986, an increasing segment of the officer corps came from the educated middle class, and a significant number of lower middle-class personnel were commissioned by Khomeini for leadership on the battlefield.

Iran's 1986 population of approximately 48.2 million (including approximately 2.6 million refugees) gave the armed forces a large pool from which to fill its manpower needs, despite the existence of rival irregular forces. Of about 8 million males between the ages of eighteen and fourty-five, nearly 6 million were considered physically and mentally fit for military service. Revolutionary leaders have repeatedly declared that Iran could establish an army of 20 million to defend the country against foreign aggression. Since the beginning of 1986, women have also been encouraged to receive military training, although no women were actually serving in the regular armed forces as of late 1987. The decision to encourage women to join in the military effort may indicate an increasing demand for personnel or an effort to gain increased popular support for the Revolution. It could also mean that conscription was not replacing war losses or retirements.

Compulsory conscription has been in effect since 1926, when Reza Shah's Military Service Act was passed by the Majlis. All males must register at age nineteen and begin their military service at age twenty-one; the law, however, is of limited significance in view of government pressures for volunteer enlistments in military units at an earlier age. According to the act, the total period of service is twenty-five years, divided as follows: two years of active military service, six years in standby military service for draftees, then eight years in first-stage reserve and nine years in second-stage reserve. In 1984 the Majlis passed the new Military Act. It amended conscription laws to reduce the high number of draft dodgers. Newspapers have carried reports of people caught trying to buy their way out of military service, at an unofficial figure of about US$8,000 for forged exemption documents. Under the prerevolutionary law, temporary or permanent exemptions were provided for the physically disabled, hardship cases, convicted felons, students, and certain professions. Draft evaders were subject to arrest, trial before a military court, and imprisonment for a maximum of two years after serving the required two years of active duty. Few draft dodgers, if any, were sent to jail; the normal procedure was to fine them the equivalent of US$75 (1986 exchange rate). Under the 1984 law, draft evaders were subject to restrictions for a period of up to ten years. They could be prevented from holding a driver's license, running for elective office, registering property ownership, being put on the government payroll, or receiving a passport, in addition to being forced to pay fines and/or receive jail sentences. Exemptions were given only to solve family problems. Moreover, all exemptions, except for physical disabilities, were only for five years. Those seeking relief for medical reasons had to serve but were not sent on combat duty. Under the amended law, men of draft age were subject to conscription, whether in war or peace, for a minimum period of two years and could be recalled as needed.

In the past, a consistent weakness of the armed forces had been the high illiteracy rate among conscripts and volunteers. This reflected the country wide illiteracy rate, which stood at 60 percent in 1979. Compounding this dilemma, many conscripts came from tribal areas where Persian was not spoken. Thus, the military first had to teach the conscripts Persian by instituting extensive literacy training programs.

By 1986, the country's overall literacy rate was estimated at 50 percent, a dramatic improvement. This gain was also reflected in the regular armed forces. Of the three services, the air force fared best in this respect, as it had always done. Yet even the air force, which had developed training facilities for support personnel and homafars, was short of its real requirements. With the 1979 withdrawal of foreign military and civilian advisers, particularly from the United States and Pakistan, the operation, maintenance, and logistical functioning of armed forces' equipment was hampered by a critical shortage of skilled manpower. As purchases from non-Western countries increased, Iran came to rely on Chinese, Syrian, Bulgarian (unconfirmed), and North Korean instructors and those from the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), among others.

In 1987, the impressive progress of the regular armed forces was counterbalanced by manpower shortages. Without the support of large numbers of irregular forces and volunteers, it was difficult to foresee how this shortage might be overcome.

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Budget

Iran's defence budget for 2005 is estimated to be $6.2 billion by London's International Institute for Strategic Studies. This is $91 per capita, less than other Persian Gulf nations. Iran also spends less as a percentage of gross national product than any other Persian Gulf nation, except the United Arab Emirates.[16]

Still, Iran has one of the strongest conventional militaries in the Middle East because it keeps costs low by manufacturing many of its weapons instead of buying them abroad.





Combat history and operations

* Dhofar Rebellion (1962-1975). 1500 Iranian troops and supported the Sultan of Oman against an insurection.

* The Iran-Iraq War (1980-198. Also known as "The Iraqi Imposed War".
o Operation Eagle Claw (24 April 1980). The failed U.S. operation to bring back 53 U.S. hostages seized in November 1979.
o Operation Praying Mantis (18 April 198. The U.S. retaliation for the mining of the USS Samuel B. Roberts (FFG-5.
o Operation Prime Chance (1987-1989). The U.S. operation to sink Iranian mine-laying vessels.

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Islamic Republic of Iran Air Force

The Islamic Republic of Iran Air Force (IRIAF) (Persian: نیروی هوایی ارتش جمهوری اسلامی ایران ) is the aviation branch of the of the Iranian armed forces.


History


The IRIAF came into being when the former Imperial Iranian Air Force (IIAF) was re-named following the Islamic Revolution in Iran, in February 1979.

This "new" Iranian air force largely inherited the equipment and structure of the former IIAF, even losing most of its leading officers in the course of post-revolutionary chaos, as well as due to the prosecution of those considered as loyal to the Shah, pro-U.S. or elsewhere by the new regime in Tehran.

A series of purges and forced retirements resulted in the manpower of the service being halved between February 1979 and July 1980, leaving the IRIAF ill-prepared for the Iran-Iraq War (also called the "I Persian Gulf War"). The sudden Iraqi air strikes against six Iranian airfields and four other military installations, launched on the afternoon of 22 September 1980, came as a complete surprise and caused a shock in the IRIAF. Nevertheless, they caused little damage, and the Islamic Republic of Iran Air Force retaliated fiercely to the invasion, flying strikes involving up to 140 McDonnell Douglas F-4 Phantom IIs against main Iraqi airfields, oil industry installations, and communications sites. Vivid Iranian activity inside Iraqi air space during the first week of the war eventually forced the Iraqi Air Force onto the defensive. In addition to striking Iraqi airfields, the IRIAF badly damaged most of the Iraqi oil producing- and exporting facilities, resulting in Baghdad's decision to stop all oil exports for several years.

Following a one week long counter-air campaign, and due to a critical situation on the ground in the Khuzestan Province, the IRIAF was thrown into the land-battle, mainly in the areas of Khorramshahr, Ahwaz, and Dezful. Here, the IRIAF's performace and superiority over the Iraqi Air Force (IrAF) surprised most informed observers. Its air strikes against armour- and supply-columns sapped the offensive strength of Iraqi military. Due to heavy losses in troops and armour, Iranian air superiority, as well as an interruption of supply systems, the Iraqis had to stop their offensive, and then became involved in extremely bitter land-battles against Iranian ground forces.

The IRIAF paid a heavy price for this success, losing dozens of its best pilots and aircraft between September and December 1980.

Although the readiness rates of the IRIAF significantly increased in the following months, its overall role and influence declined, as the clerical regime searched to put the emphasis in fighting on the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) militias, but also attempted to develop a separate air arm for this service.

After the successful liberation of most Iranian areas captured by the Iraqis, in late spring 1982, the situation of the IRIAF changed completely. From an air arm that was offensive by nature, it was largely relegated to air defence- and, relatively seldom, tasks of flying bombing attacks against targets of industrial- and military significance inside Iraq. Simultaneously, the IRIAF had to learn to maintain and keep operational its large fleet of U.S.-built aircraft and helicopters without outside help. Reaching back on equipment purchased from the U.S.A. in the 1970s, the Iranians began establishing their own aerospace industry; their efforts in this remained largely unrecognised until recently.

From 1984 and 1985, the IRIAF found itself confronted by an ever better organised and equipped opponent, as the IrAF - reinforced by deliveries of advanced fighter-bombers from France and the Soviet Union - launched offensives against Iranian population centres and oil-export hubs. These became better known as "The Tanker War" and "The War of the Cities". To defend against an increasing number of Iraqi air strikes, the IRIAF leaned heavily on its large fleet of Grumman F-14 Tomcat air superiority fighters. Tomcats were mainly deployed in defence of the strategically important Khark Island (main hub for Iranian oil exports), and Tehran. Over 300 air-to-air engagements against IrAF fighters, fighter-bombers, and bombers, were fought in these areas alone between 1980 and 1988.

Confronted with the fact that it could not obtain replacements for equipment lost in what became a war of attrition against Iraq, for the rest of the conflict, the IRIAF remained defensive-orientated, conserving its surviving assets as a "force in being". From late 1987, the IRIAF found itself confronted also with U.S. Navy fighters over the Persian Gulf. A number of confrontations that occurred between August 1987 and April 1988, stretched available IRIAF assets to the limit, almost exhausting its capability to defend Iranian air space against Iraqi air strikes.

Immediately after the end of Iran-Iraq War, the IRIAF was partially re-built by limited purchases of MiG-29 fighters and Su-24 bombers from the Soviet Union, as well as F-7M fighters from China. While a welcome reinforcement, these types never replaced the older, U.S.-built F-4 Phantoms or F-14 Tomcats (now the only airforce to continue using the retired fighter), or even Northrop F-5 Tiger IIs. Instead, the IRIAF continued efforts to maintain these types in service, and began a number of projects with the intention to refurbish and upgrade them. A Russian attempt to sell a large number of MiG-27s, MiG-31s, and Tupolev Tu-22Ms to Iran, launched in 1993, was spoiled by the lack of interest and money on the part of Iran.

Following an agreement between the regimes in Baghdad in Tehran, in February 1991 a significant number of IrAF aircraft were evacuated to Iranian airfields. The Iranians impounded these aircraft subsequently. The IRIAF has taken all the 36 Su-24MKs and 24 Mirage F.1EQ/BQs flown from Iraq, while all the other types - including 40 Su-20/22s and at least ten MiG-23s of various versions - were stored.

The IRIAF composition changed very little since 1979. The first, very limited re-location of several units - including disbandment of some, and establishing of new squadrons - occurred in autumn 1980, when the F-4D-fleet was concentrated at Shiraz, two squadrons of F-4Es moved from Shiraz to Hamedan, and a squadron of F-14 Tomcats deployed to Mehrabad. Other deployments during the war with Iraq were mainly of temporary character, even if a major re-organisation of existing air-defence assets - foremost SAM- and AAA-units - was undertaken in 1985. There has been no major re-organisation during all of the 1990s either.

In the last several years several new airfields have been constructed in central- and eastern Iran. Some of these facilities have since seen full-scale deployments of IRIAF units, and it now appears that at least two became permanent "Tactical Fighter Bases" (TFBs). These are the first such bases established since 1979. Except new airfields, with Chinese support, the IRIAF constructed also a number of new early warning radar sites around the country. Its ability to control the national airspace, however, remains limited - mainly due to the rugged terrain and lack of airborne early warning assets.

Aside from maintaining 14 TFBs, the IRIAF operates numerous temporary detachments on several minor airfields around the country. Ex-Iraqi Mirage F.1EQs, usually based at TFB.14, near Mashhad, were frequently seen over the Persian Gulf, in 2005 and 2006.

Equipment, capabilities and combat performance of the IRIAF strongly influenced the development of the Iraqi Air Force (IrAF), during the 1980s, but also that of the United Arab Emirates Air Force, in the 1990s and the most recent times.



Markings

The IRIAF markings are only slightly different to those used by the IIAF.

The main difference is addition of the word "Allah", in red, on the white field of the fin flash, and the text "Allah-u-Akhbar", in white, on the bottom of the green, and the top of the red field.

The roundel remains the same as used before.

The word "Allah" is applied also on a number of F-5 Tiger IIs on the top of the fin, and undersides of the port (left) wing of IRIAF F-14 Tomcats.

[donsaeid]

Islamic Republic of Iran Navy

The Islamic Republic of Iran Navy escorts Iranian shipping in the Persian Gulf and stands ready to disrupt enemy shipping, as it did during the Iran-Iraq war.



History

The Iranian Navy has always been the smallest branch of Iran's armed forces. Before 1971, the Iranian Navy operated mostly on equipment provided by the United States and the United Kingdom. Over the following eight years, the fleet added more modern American and British-made destroyers, frigates and many smaller vessels, including powerboats and hovercraft.

In the 1970s, Iran planned to extend its naval reach into the Indian Ocean, but this goal was curtailed by the 1979 Revolution, 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War, and limited funding ever since. This has left the navy with a limited ability to project power into the Arabian Sea through submarines and larger surface ships. The Shah of Iran ordered four modern destroyers from the United States, however, when the Shah fell, the ships were instead commissioned in the U.S. Navy as the Kidd Class.

After the Revolution, the United States levied economic sanctions on Iran, hurting its ability to equip and maintain the military. The Navy was hit even harder than its Army or Air Force, as several of Iran's ships were laid up. Battles fought with Iraq during the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War sank or damaged many ships and smaller craft.

In 1977, the bulk of the fleet was shifted from Khorramshahr to the new headquarters at Bandar-e Abbas. Bushehr was the other main base; smaller facilities were located at Khorramshahr, Khark Island, and Bandar-e Khomeini (formerly known as Bandar-e Shahpur). Bandar-e Anzali (formerly known as Bandar-e Pahlavi) was the major training base and home of the small Caspian Sea fleet, which consisted of a few patrol boats and a minesweeper. The naval base at Bandar Beheshti (formerly known as Chah Bahar) on the Gulf of Oman had been under construction since the late 1970s and in late 1987 still was not completed. Smaller facilities were located near the Strait of Hormuz.

* Imam Khomeini
* Shahid Rajaie
* Anzali
* Noshahr
* Bushehr
* Chabahar
* Khark

More damage was done after U.S. forces began escorting Kuwaiti oil tankers during 1988-89's Operation Earnest Will. In September 1988, the minelayer Iran Ajr was captured and scuttled during Operation Prime Chance. On 14 April 1988, Iranian mines nearly sank the USS Samuel B. Roberts (FFG-5; four days later, U.S. forces retaliated by sinking the Iranian warships Joshan and Sahand and several small armed powerboats in Operation Praying Mantis.

Iran added patrol boats, submarines and surface-launched anti-ship missiles in the 1990s. Iran replaced Western ships with purchases from Russia, China, and North Korea. It engaged in naval exercises with Pakistan and India.

The Iranian Navy attacked and seized control of a Romanian oil rig in the Persian Gulf on August 22, 2006. Iran took control of the radio room at 7 AM local time. "The Iranians fired at the rig's crane with machine guns," Tăbănescu said. "They are in control now and we can't contact the rig." There were 26 workers onboard.