Muqtada Al-Sadr

[Rasputin]

استقبال دولت عراق از موضعگیری مقتدی صدر


دستیاران ارشد مقتدی صدر برای گفتگو با میانه روهای سنی ملاقات کرده اند
طارق الهاشمی، معاون رئیس جمهور عراق، از بیانیه مقتدی صدر که وی در آن از طرح صلح با گروه های رقیب سنی حمایت کرده بود، استقبال کرده است.
طارق الهاشمی که خود سنی است در مصاحبه ای با بی بی سی اذعان کرد که مقتدی صدر صاحب نفوذترین رهبر گروه قدرتمند شبه نظامی موسوم به "سپاه مهدی" است.

با این حال وی نسبت به توانایی آقای صدر در کنترل کلیه عناصر این گروه ابراز تردید کرد.

آقای صدر حمایت خود از طرح همکاری با سنی ها را در نخستین حضور خود طی چند ماه اخیر در انظار عمومی اعلام کرده بود.

وی بعد از چند ماه غیبت روز جمعه بار دیگر در کوفه ظاهر شد.

عبدالمهدی المطیری، از دستیاران بلندپایه مقتدی صدر به بی بی سی گفت گروه وی طی این هفته با آن دسته از رهبران میانه روی سنی مذهب عراق که مخالف شبکه القاعده هستند و همچنین با آقای صدر دیدگاه های مشترکی درباره آینده عراق دارند، ملاقات کرد.

وی افزود آنها منشوری امضا کرده و متعهد شده اند برای عراقی متحد که کشورهای خارجی در آن دخالتی نداشته باشند، تلاش کنند. به گفته آقای مطیری، این منشور می تواند اساس موافقت با دیگر گروه های عراقی را نیز تشکیل دهد.

مقتدی صدر روز جمعه، 25 مه، و در حالیکه علیه آمریکا و حضور نظامی خارجی در عراق شعار می داد برای امامت نماز جمعه در میان حدود شش هزار نمازگزار در مسجد کوفه حاضر شد.

این نخستین بار در خلال حدود چهار ماه اخیر است که این روحانی شیعه در انظار عمومی در عراق مشاهده شد.

برخی از ساکنان شهر نجف گفته اند که بامداد روز جمعه ستون خودروهای حامل آقای صدر و محافظان وی را هنگام عزیمت به سوی کوفه مشاهده کردند.

غیبت این روحانی سی و سه ساله شیعه به شایعاتی در مورد محل اقامت وی منجر شده بود.

به گفته برخی منابع آمریکایی و عراقی، با آغاز دور جدید عملیات امنیتی نیروهای آمریکایی و عراقی در بغداد، مقتدی صدر به ایران رفت و در آن کشور اقامت گزید.

در عین حال، نزدیکان این روحانی شیعه اصرار داشتند که وی همچنان در عراق است.

فرماندهان آمریکایی سپاه مهدی را تهدیدی برای نظم و قانون توصیف کرده اند

مقتدی صدر رهبری گروه شبه نظامیان موسوم به سپاه مهدی را بر عهده دارد و از مخالفان با حضور نظامی آمریکا در عراق محسوب می شود.

اجرای طرح امنیتی جدید آمریکا، شامل خلع سلاح و بازداشت تعدادی از اعضای سپاه مهدی بوده است.

سپاه مهدی تحت فرماندهی مقتدی صدر يکی از مهم ترين نيروهای شبه نظامی در عراق به شمار می رفته و نظاميان آمريکایی آن را تهدیدی برای نظم و قانون در بغداد توصیف کرده اند.

طرفداران آقای صدر در فعالیت های سیاسی نیز شرکت جسته و حدود سی کرسی پارلمان 275 نفری عراق را در اختیار دارند.

هواداران مقتدی صدر از جمله شرکای دولت ائتلافی عراق بوده اما در ماه آوریل، در اعتراض به مخالفت نخست وزیر با تعیین جدول زمانی مشخصی برای خروج نیروهای ائتلاف به رهبری آمریکا، از دولت ائتلافی کناره گرفتند.

مقتدی صدر در سال های اخير چند بار از ايران ديدن کرده و از روابط نزدیک خود با این کشور سخن گفته است.

[Rasputin]

نشريه انگليسی اينديپندنت ،در شماره ی يک شنبه سوم ژوئن خود مصاحبه ای اختصاصی با مقتدا صدر روحانی بنيادگرای عراقی منتشر کرده است. اينديپندنت نوشته آمريکا پيشنهاد کرده است که با صدر مذاکرات مستقيم را آغاز کند، ولی صدر اين پيشنهاد را رد کرده و آمريکا را متهم نموده که ميخواهد او را ترور کند. در مصاحبه که با نزاز لطيف در کوفه صورت گرفته صدر ميگويد: آمريکا قبلا تلاش کرده مرا ترور کند و موفق نشده و مسلما اکنون نيز مرگ مرا ميخواهد و تصميم داند مرا ترور کند.
صدر که به عنوان مخالف سرسخت اشغال به نيروی بزرگی در عراق تبديل شده است، در اين مصاحبه ميگويد:" من عراقی هستم، مسلمان هستم، آزادم و مخالف همه اشکال اشغال هستم و ميخواهم به مردم عراق کمک کنم.همه اينها چيزهايی هستند که آمريکايی ها از آن نفرت دارند."
صدر بعد از طرح تشديد جنگ عراق ناپديد شده بود و اينديپندنت نوشته است اواحتمالا در ايران بود. او هفته گذشته در کوفه ظاهر شد و به نوشته اينديپندنت علاوه بر عمامه سياه کفن سفيد پوشيده بود که آمادگی خود را برای مرگ اعلام کند.
او در مورد رد پيشنهاد مذاکره با آمريکا به اينديپندنت گفت: "چيزی برای مذاکره وجود ندارد. آمريکايی ها اشغالگر و دزد هستند. آنها بايد يک جدول زمانی تعيين کنند که کشور را ترک کنند. ما بايد بدانيم که آنها کشور را ترک ميکنند و مابايد بدانيم کی اين کار را ميکنند."
اينديپندنت صدر نگرانی صدر از تلاش آمريکا برای ترور او را به جا ميشمرد زيرا ماه گذشته گزارشی به دست اينديپندنت رسيد که نشان ميدهد آمريکايی ها در سال 2004 سعی کردند او را به عنوان مذاکره در نجف به تله انداخته و به قتل برسانند.

صدر به اينديپندنت گفت ما با دشمنی می جنگيم که از ما قوی تر است ولی ما در طرف حق قرار داريم. او تاکيد کرد که آنها گوشه ای نخواهند ايستاد و رنج اشغال را تحمل نخواهند کرد حتی اگر اين به معنای پذيرش مرگ باشد.
صدر به اينديپندنت نگفت طرح آمريکا برای قتل او چيست ولی او به خاطر مسايل امنيتی مخفی شده است. او به سپاه خود دستور داده که با در مقابل طرح امنيتی جديد آمريکا مقاومت نکنند وبه اينديپندنت گفت آمريکايی ها سعی کرده اند آنها را تحريک کنند، ولی او به نيروهايش دستور خود داری داده و حتی همکاری با دولت را به آزمايش گذاشته است ولی اگر اشغال ادامه پيدا کند آنها به جنگيدن روی خواهند آورد.
در حاليکه نصرالله لبنان تلاش ميکند خود را از مسايل عراق جدا نگه دارد، صدر در گفتگو با خبرنگار اينديپندنت جنبش خود را با حزب الله لبنان مقايسه کرد و دو بازوی مقاومت به شمار آورد.
صدر همچنين در مورد درگيری اخير نيروهايش با نيروهای شورای عالی انقلاب اسلامی عراق صحبت کرد و گفت اين ناشی از اشتباه بوده و تلاش خواهند کرد جلوی آن را بگيرند.
اينديپندنت نوشته است که صدر هميشه يک ناسيوناليست آتشين بوده است . به همين جهت او با سنی های الانبار که هم با القاعده و هم با آمريکا می جنگند وارد يک ائتلاف شده است.
در الانبار که در دوره های مختلف و نيز طی اجرای طرح امنيتی اخير آمريکا زير سرکوب شديد نظامی قرار گرفت، گرايش نيروهای مقاومت به طرف القاعده به شدت رو به رشد نهاده است.

سرانجام صدر به مذاکرات آمريکا با ايران در مورد عراق هم اشاره کرده است. او تاکيد کرد که با نفوذ ايران در امورعراق مخالف است. و با اشاره به مذاکرات کنونی گفت:" ما اين نوع مداخلات را رد می کنيم. مسايل عراق مربوط به خود عراقی هاست."

[Rasputin]

فرمانده شبه نظاميان مقتدي صدر: 8 بار در ايران آموزش ديدم

شخصي كه مدعي است از فرماندهان جيش المهدي وابسته به جناح مقتدي صدر، روحاني عراقي است مي گويد هشت بار در ايران آموزش نظامي ديده است.

روزنامه آمريكايي ديترويت فري پرس در گزارشي بدون ارائه مستندات و به نقل از "ابو راسل" در محله "حي السلام" بغداد اعلام كرد كه وي هشت بار براي آموزش به ايران سفر كرده است.

وي همچنين ادعا كرد كه بخش عمده تسليحات جيش المهدي از ايران تامين مي شود.
"ابو راسل" گفت: "همه سلاح هاي مورد نياز ارتش المهدي به جز تفنگ هاي AK-47 از ايران ارسال مي شود."

اين فرمانده جيش المهدي همچنين اظهار داشت كه نيروهاي تحت امر وي كمك هايي را از نيروهاي امنيتي عراق دريافت كرده اند.

وي در اين باره خاطرنشان كرد: "فرماندهان امنيتي عراق سلاح هاي سنگين را به شبه نظاميان جيش المهدي در محله حي السلام بغداد ارسال كرده اند."

براساس اين گزارش، "ابو راسل" يك مسلمان شيعي است كه تا سال 2005 راننده تاكسي بود. در آن سال افراد مسلح برادر وي را به قتل رساندند و پس از آن تصميم گرفت به عضويت جيش المهدي درآيد.

[Rasputin]

نخست وزير عراق برای نخستين بار ادعا کرد
بعثی ها و جنايتکاران
در جنبش مقتدا صدر فعال اند




همزمان با انفجاری مهيب در شمال عراق که شمار تلفات آن تاکنون از 100 کشته بيشتر شده است، نخست وزير عراق که برای کنار رفتن از مقامش تحت شديدترين فشارهای داخلی است از مقتدا صدر و طرفداران او خواست تا سلاح های خود را زمين بگذارند. مالکی خطاب به صدر گفت: اگر شما در ادعای خود مبنی بر صلح و آرامش در عراق صادق هستيد به نيروهای طرفدار خود دستور دهد سلاح هايشان را زمين بگذارند.

نخست وزير عراق برای نخستين بار مطرح کرد: طرفداران صدام حسين، اعضای سابق حزب بعث عراق و مجرمين و جنايتکاران در جنبش شيعه مقتدا صدر فعال اند و دست به عمليات انفجاری و کشتار می زنند .

[Rasputin]

Sadr attacks Iraq PM in Shia rift

Iraqi Shia leaders linked to the radical cleric, Moqtada Sadr, have attacked their former government ally, Prime Minister Nouri Maliki.
They accused Mr Maliki of bowing to US demands and sanctioning US attacks on Mr Sadr's Mehdi Army militia.

Mr Maliki has said the militia must purge its ranks of criminals.

Dozens of people have died in recent fighting between Iraqi forces and Mehdi Army militiamen, amid signs of a growing rift between the Shia groups.

In April, six cabinet ministers loyal to Mr Sadr quit their posts in protest at the government's refusal to demand a deadline for the withdrawal of US troops.

Support from Mr Sadr's bloc was critical to securing Mr Maliki's appointment as prime minister last year.

The Mehdi Army militia and its allies within the fledgling Iraqi security forces have been accused of operating sectarian death squads, targeting Iraqi Sunnis.

The militia's stronghold of Sadr City, a vast slum in eastern Baghdad, was the focus of a major US military operation in late June.

'US agenda'

On Saturday, Mr Maliki said the Mehdi Army had been infiltrated by criminals and by members of the Baath Party of former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.

Mr Sadr's supporters said Mr Maliki's comments effectively gave US forces a "green light" to attack the Mehdi Army militia.

An aide to Mr Sadr, Sheikh Ahmed al-Shaibani, told the Associated Press news agency Mr Maliki "should not forget that his government was backed" by the Sadr movement.

He said Mr Maliki had tried to shore up his government with the attack on Mr Sadr's group.

According to Mr Shaibani, Mr Maliki's comments indicated he was ready to implement the US agenda of "ending the Mehdi Army militarily and politically".

[Rasputin]

Sadr makes risky move

Iraq's radical Shia cleric Moqtada Sadr has announced that his Mehdi Army will be suspended for six months, but it is still too early to know the full significance of his statement.
To some extent it may be merely a tactic aimed at distancing himself from the recent violence in Karbala.

It is certainly a tactic he has used before to distance himself from some of the worst excesses of the Mehdi Army.

But it is a puzzling and potentially risky move by the young Shia leader.

Puzzling because the very call for a re-organisation of the Mehdi army would seem to be an admission that he has lost control of it.

Risky because there would seem to be a good chance that the fighters of the army will ignore his order.

Highly potent

Of course, many in Iraq would be grateful for a halt in operations by the Mehdi Army.

The US military blames the militia for the vast majority of the attacks on American forces in Baghdad, as do the British in Basra, not to mention the country's Sunni Arabs and the Mehdi's Shia rivals.

The question is, could Moqtada Sadr really reassert control over his militia if indeed that is really his aim?

Certainly, much has changed since Mr Sadr first started to build his movement in the wake of the US-led invasion.

Over the last few years it has splintered into many factions and groups, some of which could probably be better described as gangs.

And it is those groups which have been, and continue to be, responsible for some of the country's most brutal acts of sectarianism.

But whatever doubts there may be now about the extent of Mr Sadr's control, the movement he nominally leads remains highly potent.

In terms of sheer numbers it is the biggest in Iraq, representing as it does the country's Shia underclass, and it holds sway in large parts of the country.

As ever Moqtada Sadr remains a hard man to second-guess.

US officials and many Iraqis describe him as a very unpredictable and inexperienced leader, though one who cannot be ignored given his huge following among many ordinary Iraqis.

[Rasputin]

Iraq 'Shia militia leader' held

US troops in Iraq say they have arrested a suspected leader of a Shia militia group allegedly backed by Iran.
He was arrested late on Thursday, along with three other suspects, during operations in the Mashru area in the province of Wasit, south of Baghdad.

The most prominent Shia militia, the Mehdi Army, has been observing a ceasefire since August.

The US military has accused what it calls rogue elements of failing to observe the truce.

The ceasefire is due to expire at the end of February, and correspondents say it is not clear if it will be renewed.

A US military press release said the arrested man was believed to be a "special groups" leader - language the military uses to describe Shia militias allegedly backed by Iran.

Correspondents say the US military has been careful not to accuse Moqtatda Sadr, the leader of the Mehdi Army, himself of any role in attacks by Shia militants.

They instead blame rogue militiamen violating his cease-fire order.

[Rasputin]

The Iraqi Shia cleric Moqtada Sadr has explained why he has not been seen in public for more than nine months - and acknowledged splits in his movement.
He said he missed his followers "too much" but that every "commander needed to be away for a while to worship".

He has reportedly resumed his religious studies to gain the title of ayatollah.

The statement comes two weeks after the cleric renewed a unilateral ceasefire his powerful Mehdi Army militia has been observing for the past six months.

The ceasefire has been widely credited with reducing sectarian tensions and contributing to the overall drop in violence in recent months.

'Pursue studies'

In a rare statement issued by his office in the holy city of Najaf, Moqtada Sadr acknowledged that his absence "could be a reason for depressing" his followers.

"I swear that I live with you and among you. I am a part of you. I will not change his unless death separates us," he said.

He said the main reason for him going away - US military commanders believe he is in neighbouring Iran - was the advice of his father, Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Sadiq Sadr, who was assassinated in 1999 reportedly by Iraqi agents.

Many persons who are close to me have split for materialistic reasons or because they wanted to be independent and this was one of the reasons behind my absence

Moqtada Sadr

"My late father personally recommended me to pay more attention to learning and studying. The brothers in Sadrist offices are continuing to serve the society," he added.

In December, a senior aide, Salah al-Ubaidi, said Moqtada Sadr had not been seen in public since 25 May because he resumed his religious studies at a Shia seminary in Najaf.

Correspondents say gaining the honorific title of ayatollah would enhance his religious credentials, as well as providing him with enhanced authority over spiritual matters in his country and the ability to issue fatwas (legal rulings).

He would also be able to more effectively disassociate himself from powerful senior Shia clerics such as Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, who have co-operated with the Iraqi authorities and US-led coalition since the 2003 invasion, they add.

Moqtada Sadr also acknowledged in his statement the divisions in the movement he leads and to distance himself from his followers who had developed their own agendas.

Many of his followers had split from him "for materialistic reasons or because they wanted to be independent", he said.

"This was one of the reasons behind my absence... yet I still have many people loyal and faithful to me and I advise them to direct society toward education and teaching," he added.

Since he declared a ceasefire in August, the US military has continued to target what it calls rogue Mehdi Army elements, who have been ignoring his orders.

[Rasputin]

The inter-shia fighting in late March and early April in Basra and Baghdad has once again been used by both imperialist warmongers and apologists for the islamic regime in Iran to create confusion and spread misinformation about various factions of the shia United Iraqi Alliance - Dawa, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (Sciri), and the Mahdi army (until September 2007) - and their relations with Iran.

On Tuesday April 8 general David Petraeus, the US commander in Iraq, made the latest in a long string of accusations against Iran and its “destructive” role in Iraq, including its financing of militia groups. He implied Iran had supported the Mahdi army in the recent battle for Basra, conveniently failing to mention Tehran’s support for the US occupation government in Baghdad. Ironically the same false claims are being used by Tehran apologists to ‘prove’ Iran’s credentials as an anti-imperialist force supporting the Iraqi resistance.1

However, the realities of the current inter-shia conflict are more complicated and, as most news agencies reported last week, it was in fact pressure from the Iranian regime, intervening on behalf of Iraqi prime minister Nuri al-Maliki, that forced Muqtada al-Sadr to order his Mahdi followers to cease fire;2 and it is the same pressure that forced him this week to contemplate disbanding his militia if “the highest shi’ite religious authority demands it”,3 as well as call off the anti-occupation demonstration planned for April 9.4

A week is a long time in politics and an even longer one in shia politics. On March 31, al-Sadr repeated his criticism on Al Jazeera TV of Iran’s interference in Iraq and in particular of ‘supreme leader’ Ali Khamenei: “On my last visit to Khamenei I advised him - no, I reminded him - that I do not agree with Iran’s political and military aims in Iraq, and Iran must end this interference in the affairs of Iraq.” In the same interview with Al Jazeera, al-Sadr called on the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference to oppose the occupation:

“I appeal to these parties to add legitimacy to the resistance and to stand by, not against, the Iraqi people because the Iraqi people need Arabs as much as they need any other person … The occupation is trying to divide sunnis and shias. It is trying to drive a wedge between Sadris and the sunnis. I love the sunnis. I am a shia, but we are all Iraqis.”

These comments, and in particular the reference to ayatollah Khamenei, were strongly attacked by newspapers and websites close to the Iranian ‘supreme leader’. The conservative website Tabnak, referring to Al Sadr’s “impudent” comments, writes: “This person was always a suspicious character. As elders have said, excessive militancy is a sign of either ignorance or treachery ... From the very beginning this group has failed to take a single step in the interests of islam. How dare he advise ayatollah Khamenei?”5 Other pro-Khamenei sites have dug out old documents claiming to prove that Muqtada al-Sadr’s father advised the shah’s court on shia practice, giving guidance to the shah’s closest ally and minister of court, Assadallah Alam.

As far as the shia leaders in Iran are concerned, al-Sadr’s emphasis on Iraqi nationalism and his call on the Arab League to show solidarity with the Iraqi resistance were tantamount to a betrayal of shia principles and over the last week al-Sadr has come under considerable pressure from the religious hierarchy in Ghom. His conciliatory moves, culminating in the cancellation of the April 9 anti-occupation demonstration in Baghdad, prove al-Sadr’s pragmatism in dealing with the shia establishment.

However, there is nothing new in either al-Sadr’s anti-occupation rhetoric or his criticism of Iran, and he will return to those themes if and when he feels the balance of forces in Basra or Sadr city is shifting in favour of his group. Over the last few years he has repeatedly stated his opposition to Iranian interference in Iraq and advocated Iraqi political unity against ‘Persian’ influence. He believes that the religious leadership of Iraq should be in the hands of ethnic Arabs, not the ethnic Persians who currently make up the higher echelons of the shia clerical establishment in Najaf.

Maybe that is why al-Sadr has recently been spending a good deal of time in Tehran, travelling twice a week to study at a seminary in Ghom in order to become an ayatollah (and presumably to change the balance of forces amongst high-ranking clerics in Najaf). Yet he realises that until such a day he has to compromise with the existing ayatollahs and grand ayatollahs (ayatollah ol ozma), such as Khamenei and Sistani. Here lies the root of his inconsistencies.

The Iranian regime is well aware that its current dominant position in the region following the coming to power of a shia government in Iraq, thanks to the US-UK invasion, is deeply resented by all Arab regimes. In addition Iran is currently in dispute with the Arab League over three islands in the Persian Gulf allegedly occupied by Iran. The League summit has urged the United Arab Emirates to seek “legal and peaceful ways” to regain the three islands (not forgetting the dispute about the name of the waters in question - Persian Gulf according to Iran, Arab Gulf according to the League).

To call on the Arab League to intervene in a dispute amongst shia factions is seen by Iran’s theocracy as total betrayal - it is as if two factions of the IRA had asked Ian Paisley to mediate between them at the height of the conflict in Northern Ireland. Iranian clerics spent last week reminding all factions of the Iraqi shia coalition of their responsibilities regarding the future of shias in a sunni-dominated region.

No-one is in any doubt that Tehran (and all factions of the regime) considers the current occupation government in Iraq as its main ally and, although publicly Iranian leaders often call for an end to the occupation, the Farsi blogs associated with the Islamic Republic Party are perfectly candid about the risks of such a withdrawal, gently reminding the shia faithful that the government of “our brotherly neighbour”, Maliki, will fall in the absence of US troops. Ironically they share this particular stance (opposition to US military withdrawal) with their arch-enemies on the soft left in Britain, such as the Euston Manifesto and Alliance for Workers’ Liberty!

The communiqué following Ahmadinejad’s visit to Iraq in March reflects the current official position of the Iranian government: “Iran has once again stressed the need for strengthening the national unity and territorial integrity of Iraq, voicing full support for prime minister Maliki’s national reconciliation plan, aimed at encouraging the presence of Iraqis of all walks of life in the political process of the country. The two sides denounced all types of terrorism against human beings, economic centres, state facilities and religious centres in Iraq. The islamic republic of Iran also voiced full support for the Iraqi government and the nation’s resolute will to continue their all-out campaign against terrorist and criminal activities.” Iran’s president announced $1 billion in loans, as well as a clutch of trade pacts with Iran’s “brotherly” neighbour.

However, despite Iran’s commitments to the Maliki regime and the war of words between supporters of ayatollah Khamenei and al-Sadr, Iran has long-term ambitions in Iraq. That is why, in the tradition of Realpolitik pursued by islamic clerics since the day they came to power, Iran will maintain ‘good relations’ with all Iraqi shia groups and leaders (including those the USA first attempted to foist on Baghdad, like Ayad Alavi and Ahmed Chalabi), warning them all about the dangers of in-fighting, while waiting to see who will gain the upper hand in current and future conflicts.

[Rasputin]

Tehran support

Iran’s decision to give full support to Iraqi shia opposition groups dates back to the Iranian revolution in 1979. During the Iraq-Iran war (1980-88 ), the Iranian clergy organised the pro-Iran, Iraqi shia opposition parties - Sciri and the Islamic Dawa Party.

Sciri was led by ayatollah Muhammad Baqr al-Hakim, who was among about 100 people killed in a car bomb in Najaf in August 2003. At the time many blamed al-Sadr for the attack - Hakim had offered support to the US-appointed governing council. Following his death his brother, Abdel Aziz, took over as leader of Sciri and is now a minister in the Maliki government.

The Dawa party is the oldest of the shia groups. It was set up in the 1950s as the religious party, al-Dawa al-Islamiya. Along with the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, Al-Dawa is an integral part of the United Iraqi Alliance (UIA), a coalition of religious shia parties conceived and blessed by grand ayatollah Ali Sistani. Prime minister Maliki is a leading Dawa figure.

Although anti-occupation sentiment is growing by the day amongst all Iraqis, including the shia population, the vested interests of most shia political groups and clerics, not least their allegiance to the clerics in Iran (or from Iran in the case of Sistani), ensure that they remain part of the problem - ie, the imperialist occupation - rather than part of the solution.

Of course, in Basra there is a force worthy of support: Iraq’s oil workers and their union. However, even here, the influence of the shia religion and ayatollah Sistani, at least amongst individual leaders of the union, including Hassan Jomeh,6 can only lead to compromise with this or that faction of the shia coalition. One factor that has differentiated Iranian oil workers, who played a historic role in bringing down the shah’s regime, from the oil workers in Basra is the persistence of religious allegiance amongst members of the leadership, including of Naftana, the UK support committee for the Iraq Federation of Oil Unions (or at least those we have heard). Many are influenced by Sistani, who is no more than a representative of the landowning, merchant classes in Iraq.

True to his faith, Sistani is committed to do all in his power to create the kind of social disaster that will ‘precipitate’ the return of Imam Mahdi (the nine-year-old 12th imam who fell down a well 12 centuries ago and will soon rise from it again to rescue the world). While Ahmadinejad is building motorways to aid Mahdi’s speedy return, and Muqtada al-Sadr is preparing his army, the Jaish Mahdi, pious shia capitalists are doing their best to create the kind of hell on earth that should result in the resurrection of the 12th imam. Meanwhile the ayatollah ol ozma such as Khamenei and Sistani try their utmost to fool the masses with simplistic rhetoric and silly decrees, while holding out to the poor the promise of heaven and a better life after Mahdi’s return.

Sistani produces not only a list of recommended candidates at election time: he actually produces a list of everything you should do from the moment you wake up to the moment you go back to sleep. Sistani’s website provides guidance to the faithful for every trivial aspect of their lives - from the way they should drink water, to the way they should put down a pen, to the kind of music they should listen to. The question and answer section in Farsi and English covers matters as diverse as whether it is acceptable for a shia women to carry a mobile phone to the procedure to follow if a dog should lick your clothes … Yet there is a remarkable absence of any ‘answers’ regarding what most would consider the burning issues - eg, the privatisation of Iraqi (or for that matter Iranian) oil,7 privatisation in general or the US occupation itself. Repeated attempts by devout shias (and at times not so devout ex-shias) to use the interactive Q&A section of Sistani’s website in order to obtain a response on these issues have drawn a blank.

Until the anti-imperialist, anti-war working class forces, including the Basra oil workers, rid themselves of their illusions in all the shia or sunni political parties and their conservative leaders, in Iran and in Iraq, revolutionary forces will not be able to defeat the “bringers of death and destruction in Iraq”.

The systematic destruction of Iraq could not have happened without the help of Iran and its protégés in the shia coalition of the occupation government. Of course, Baghdad has a long way to go before it attains the level of corruption achieved by its “brotherly” neighbour in Tehran, whose theocracy holds the unenviable ranking of 179th out of 179 countries on Transparency International’s ‘corruption perceptions index’.8 Nor have they yet managed the levels of privatisation achieved by the islamic regime in Iran.9

However, when it comes to exploitation, capitalism and its inevitable consequences, one can already see where the shia factions of Iraq are heading. That is why workers in Iran and Iraq - and oil workers in particular - share a common struggle against war, against occupation, but also against privatisation and rampant corruption.


Notes

1. See, for example, Sami Ramadani on the Stop the War Coalition’s website: https://www.stopwar.org.uk/index.php...t&task=view&id =578&Itemid=27
2. Reported on many Iranian sites, including Akhbar Rouz: www****an-chabar.de/news.jsp?essayId=14450
3. The Independent April 8.
4. www.alalam****/english/enNewsPage.asp?newsid =0310 30120080408184803
5. www.tabnak****
6. See www.labournet.net/world/0410/iraq1.html
7. www.sistani.org
8. www.transparency.org/publications/gcr
9. www.mehrnews.com/fa/Default.aspx?Page=6&t =Economic

[Rasputin]

http://www.bbc.co.uk/persian/world/2009/05/090502_ag_az_sadr_ankara.shtml