Palestine

[Rasputin]

The struggle for power between Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas came to a boil on Wednesday. After Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas accused Hamas of attempting a military coup, fighting in the Gaza Strip flared up again. Hamas seized the initiative, forcing Fatah units away from many key objectives. Facing a real threat that a new Islamic state formation might appear in the Middle East, the EU and NATO do not exclude the possibility that they might bring their peacekeeping troops into Gaza.


Clashes between Fatah and Hamas all over the Gaza Strip resumed on Wednesday morning. Hamas gunmen forced Fatah members away from many key objectives throughout Gaza, taking control over several local Fatah headquarters, including the one in Jabalia refugee camp. By Wednesday afternoon, the fighting spread from Gaza’s northern part to its center, where El-Burj, El-Muasi and Nuseirat refugee camps are located, and flared up in the south later in the day.

Hamas blew up the Fatah-controlled headquarters of the preventive security service in the southern Gaza town of Khan Younis. The building was completely destroyed by the explosion of the bomb put into the tunnel dug under the building. Experts estimate the bomb at several hundreds kilograms in TNT equivalent. Sources close to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said the explosion killed 13 people.

Tens of injured people were buried under the ruins. It is the first time during the intra-Palestinian confrontation when a highly destructive bomb was used against compatriots. Before, Islamists used such methods against Israeli only. “We lost control over Khan Younis,” acknowledged Fatah representative Ziad Sarafandi.

Beside the victims of clashes in Khan Younis, at least nine people were killed. The death toll of the last four days in Gaza exceeded 60 people. Among those nine victims on Wednesday, there were two Palestinians who worked for the UN. Thus, the UN announced the curtailing of its humanitarian operations in Gaza.

One of the sites where Hamas raised its green flag on Wednesday was the abandoned residence of Abbas’ advisor, chief security official of Fatah in Gaza, Mohammed Dahlan, located in the center of Gaza. Dahlan is now away from Palestine due to the aggravation of his health.

Although Fatah has more numerous units in Gaza, Hamas takes victory after victory, while Fatah units mainly act on the defensive and are forced to retreat. In this situation, the Gaza Strip’s fate might be determined soon during the decisive battles in central Gaza, where four headquarters of Fatah-loyal security structures are located, along with Abbas’ secretariat. Supporters of Abbas attempted a counter-offensive on Wednesday, trying to help Fatah units, but it was fought off by the Islamists.

Hamas has already declared its intention to establish control over all facilities of security forces in the Gaza Strip, by using penetration teams, specially trained for storming buildings and armed with sub-machine guns, grenade launchers, shoulder-held missiles, and mortars.

Moreover, Hamas compiled a blacklist of 55 high-rank Fatah functionaries to be immediately destroyed. The top persons on the list are the above mentioned Abbas’ Security Advisor Mohammed Dahlan and his chief associate, head of the preventive security service Rashid Abu Shabak.

Better training and higher motivation of Hamas units is not the only reason of their military achievements. Experts believe that despite the general mobilization of Fatah supporters, announced by Fatah leaders, the main problem of Fatah-controlled security services is that they have not yet received orders to use all available means and forces in fighting against the Islamists. Fatah units confine their task to restraining the onslaught of Hamas (the official wording is “to suppress the riot”).

Abbas, who now is in Palestine’s other part, in capital Ramalla located on the West Bank, said the events in Gaza is madness and warned that “if the clashes go on, Gaza will collapse”.

Experts say the reason why Abbas is not giving orders to his security structures to counteract Hamas in full force is because he would prefer losing control over the Gaza Strip to being remembered as a politician responsible for a large-scale civil war in Palestine, which would inevitably begin in case of using force. Besides, Abbas always avoided military solutions, and remains loyal to this principle despite the critical situation in Gaza.

Meanwhile, the reason is not only in the Fatah-Hamas conflict. One of Fatah leaders, Samir Mashraui, said to pan-Arab newspaper Al-Hayat that Iran and Syria stand behind the military coup attempt in Gaza. He added that Iran and Syria transferred millions of dollars to Hamas’ accounts in recent months, to finance the preparation for the coup.

The situation in Gaza arises more and more concern in Israel. Israeli security officials mainly apprehend that if Hamas wins and establishes unrestricted rule in Palestine, a new enclave of radical Islamism, controlled by Iran just like Lebanese movement Hezbollah, will appear in close proximity to Israel.

At the same time, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said on Tuesday that Israel will not interfere into the intra-Palestinian conflict, and suggested deploying international peacekeepers on the border between the Gaza Strip and Egypt (from where most weapons used by Hamas militants come).

While the conflict in Palestine escalates rapidly, the world is discussing the extent of international participation necessary to settle the crisis. Javier Solana, EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, said the EU is ready to take part in providing international peacekeeping forces to Gaza, if Israel, Palestine, and Egypt ask for it. However, Solana urged not to speed up the events, but to watch how they develop. NATO has a similar stand on the issue.

A source in NATO headquarters in Brussels said on Wednesday that the alliance is not considering now the possibility of joining the international peacekeeping forces in Gaza. “Perhaps, we would consider a suggestion like that, if we received it,” the source said.

Meanwhile, defeat-suffering Fatah urges the Palestinian authorities to ask the League of Arab States for emergency help. The urge becomes more and more relevant, considering that the conflict in Gaza threatens to move to the other part of Palestine – the West Bank of the Jordan river, where it is relatively peaceful now, except several incidents.

[Rasputin]

2-headed Palestine emerging in Gaza

Hamas pounded Gaza City's three main security compounds and President Mahmoud Abbas' headquarters with mortars, grenades and assault rifles Wednesday, calling on Fatah forces to surrender in an apparent attempt to take control of the entire Gaza Strip.


A Hamas militant looks back during clashes between Fatah militants and Palestinian security members in the Sheikh Radwan neighborhood in Gaza City.In one dramatic victory, hundreds of members of a Fatah-allied clan that had fought fiercely surrendered to masked Hamas gunmen. The Fatah members were led - arms raised in the air - to a nearby mosque.

Fatah fighters desperately tried to cling to their positions, but they appeared to be outgunned. One of the battles raged around the headquarters of the Fatah-allied Preventive Security, with both sides firing wildly from high-rise rooftops.

Violence between the factions, which nominally share power in the Palestinian government, has rapidly spiraled toward all-out civil war.

A Hamas military victory in Gaza would create a two-headed Palestine - with the Islamic extremists in control in the coastal strip and Western-backed Fatah ruling the West Bank.

It could also set the stage for a bloody confrontation with Israel and strengthen radical states in the Middle East.

"It's a lose-lose situation for the Palestinians and Israel," said Uzi Dayan, former head of Israel's National Security Council.

The battle for Gaza isn't over. But Hamas militiamen have gained the upper hand, systematically seizing positions of Fatah-allied forces, taking control of the streets and bragging that they'll keep going.

Fatah's fighters outnumber the Hamas militia, but Fatah's have less firepower and lack motivation and leadership. Gaza's Fatah strongman, Mohammed Dahlan, is getting medical treatment abroad, and the head of Fatah, Abbas, is increasingly perceived as timid and indecisive.

Abbas, who is in the West Bank, called the fighting "madness," but his appeals for a cease-fire rang increasingly hollow as Hamas gunmen took over or destroyed a base or another member of his security forces. Later, his office and residential compound in Gaza came under attack, with Hamas fighters firing at Fatah forces guarding an access road.

Hamas has ignored calls for a cease-fire, and its hard-liners said the offensive would continue.

The State Department denounced the violence as a direct attack by the most radical elements of Hamas on legitimate Palestinian authorities. Spokesman Sean McCormack said Washington had no indication that Israel might intervene to try to stop the infighting.

Hamas moved systematically throughout the day, taking control of key Fatah positions. Fatah commanders complained that they were not given clear orders by Abbas to fight back.

At least 15 people were killed Wednesday, bringing the death toll in the four-day campaign to more than 50.

Hamas and Fatah have waged a sporadic power struggle since Hamas won Parliament elections last year, ending four decades of Fatah rule.

But the battles have worsened as Hamas waged a systematic assault on security forces to take over Gaza. Fighting between the two factions, which nominally share power in the Palestinian government, spilled into the Fatah-dominated West Bank.

[Rasputin]

After five days of intense fighting that left at least 80 people dead, rival Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah on Wednesday said that they have brokered a new ceasefire agreement to end the ongoing fighting for supremacy in the Gaza.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, of Fatah, and Prime Minister Ismail Haniya, of Hamas, issued a joint statement broadcast on Palestinian television in which they called on all sides to halt the fighting.

A senior Hamas official said Hamas presented a list of nine conditions, including appointing an interior minister responsible for all Palestinian security forces and demanding that it share control with Fatah of Gaza's boundaries and borders.

Deputy Palestinian Prime Minister Azam al-Ahmad, a senior Fatah official, said his group had accepted to the list of conditions from Hamas in principle for a truce but added that more dialogue between the two sides was needed.

However, Hamas's military wing denied receiving any orders to halt fighting and clashes are continuing in Gaza.

Meanwhile Israel Radio reported Wednesday overnight that Hamas was nearing its goal of taking over the Gaza Strip. The group was targeting the Palestinian presidential complex and the buildings belonging to Preventative Security, both institutions affiliated with Fatah.

The United Nations Security Council on Wednesday led international condemnation of the killing of Walid Eido, an anti-Syrian Lebanese parliamentarian.

Walid Eido was killed along with at least 10 other people in a bombing which occurred at 1730 in a side street between two popular beach resorts, the Long Beach and the Sporting Club in the mainly Muslim Manara neighbourhood of Beirut.

The UNSC statement did not blame any country while stating that "the Security Council condemns any attempt to destabilize Lebanon, including through political assassination or other terrorist acts."

Meanwhile, President George Bush while unequivocally condemning the killing said the US would continue to lend support Lebanon and issued a stern warning that "efforts by Damascus and Tehran to foment instability in Lebanon must stop now".

There was a direct line linking assassinations in Lebanon and actions intended to topple the Lebanese government and the involvement of Bashar Assad's regime, Bush was quoted by Israel Radio as saying Wednesday.

The White House in a statement said there had been a "clear pattern of assassinations" in recent years of those opposed to Syrian interference in Lebanon's affairs.

[Rasputin]

Hamas Seizes Base In Gaza

Hamas gunmen wrested control of a key security base in Gaza City from the rival Fatah movement Thursday morning, further consolidating their hold over large swaths of the Gaza Strip.

Palestinian hospital officials said at least 14 people were killed and 70 wounded in the hours-long fight for the Fatah-run Preventive Security headquarters in the center of Gaza City.

Witnesses said Hamas fighters led Fatah officers from the building, some bound and dragged. Television reports from the scene showed groups of Fatah fighters, some shirtless and in their underwear, being marched through the street.

After the battle Hamas fighters raised their party's green banner over the compound that once housed Fatah's elite paramilitary units. Hamas officials hold the Preventive Security force responsible for mass arrests, expulsions, and other attacks against them in the 1990s.

The civil strife expanded beyond the strip on Wednesday, when Fatah responded to Hamas attacks on their military posts in Gaza with a daylight raid in the West Bank.

At least 21 Palestinians were killed Wednesday across Gaza, driving up the four-day death toll to at least 63 in factional violence that both Palestinian parties described as civil war.

The Izzedine al-Qassam Brigades, the Hamas military wing that has begun referring to Fatah as the "Jew American Army," has given the Fatah-dominated Palestinian National Forces across northern Gaza until Friday evening to surrender their weapons and turn over their posts. The Hamas tactic, which has included broadcasting inaccurate claims from minarets that Fatah posts have fallen, has proved highly effective in prompting outgunned Fatah fighters to flee.

At least one battalion of the Palestinian National Forces was reported to have run out of ammunition and others may be approaching the end of supplies. Israeli officials have warned for months that Hamas has been stockpiling ammunition, small arms and explosives.

On Thursday, Fatah leader and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas issued his first explicit call for his forces to fight back after having stayed in a mostly defensive posture during the first days of fighting.

Scores of Palestinians demonstrated in the streets of Gaza City calling for an end to the violence, to no apparent effect.

The volume and frequency of the clashes prompted the U.N. refugee agency to scale back operations in Gaza Wednesday after two of its Palestinian employees were killed in crossfire.

"The situation there has never been more dire, and we must be able to get in to do our work," said Christopher Gunness, spokesman for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, which has suspended all but emergency food distribution and medical service to the roughly 1 million Palestinians in Gaza it serves.
The two largest Palestinian parties, each with potent militias and affiliated security services, have fought periodically since Hamas ended Fatah's long monopoly on political power by winning the parliamentary elections in January 2006. The victory gave Hamas control of the ministries, while Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah remains the titular head of the government.

Previous episodes of factional violence have been confined largely to Gaza, home to 1.4 million Palestinians, and the fighting has generally lasted no longer than a week. But no period has been as intense or brutal as the current one, which has resisted Egyptian mediation attempts and fractured a power-sharing government formed in March.

Fatah and Hamas have fought for control of the various Palestinian security branches that each party claims the legal authority to run. Their broader ideological differences have made their struggle irreconcilable so far: Fatah, a secular movement that recognizes Israel, favors negotiations to achieve a Palestinian state; Hamas, formally known as the Islamic Resistance Movement, which the United States, Israel and the European Union consider a terrorist organization, advocates Israel's destruction.

The Bush administration and Israel are openly backing forces loyal to Abbas, a relative moderate whose calls for an end to the fighting have been ignored by both sides. The Bush administration is sending $40 million to train and provide nonlethal equipment to forces loyal to Abbas, who told reporters Wednesday that it is "madness that is going on in Gaza."

The West Bank, the more populous Palestinian region, where Fatah is considered more powerful than Hamas, no longer appears immune from the factional strife.

Gunmen from the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Fatah's armed wing, entered an Islamic film and music production company in the West Bank city of Nablus on Wednesday and seized 10 employees, witnesses said. Hamas gunmen arrived quickly, and a 20-minute gunfight crackled across downtown Nablus. The al-Aqsa gunmen then returned to the Balata refugee camp on the city's edge with their hostages, whose fate was unknown.

"Fatah is not happy about what is going on in Gaza, but this is insane, just insanity," said Tayseer Nasrallah, a Fatah official who witnessed the fighting. "I don't think the leaders of either group have control over the men on the ground."

For a fourth consecutive day, the fighting remained intense across much of Gaza as Hamas gunmen moved against select posts of the Palestinian security services controlled by Fatah.

After nightfall, Hamas gunmen sent mortar fire at several Fatah posts in Gaza City. Over minaret loudspeakers, voices called on mothers to tell their sons to abandon their posts or face attack.

In the southern Gaza city of Khan Younis, Hamas gunmen tunneled beneath a post of the Fatah-dominated Preventive Security Service. They planted explosives in the tunnel and reduced the building to rubble, killing five officers and wounding more than 10 others inside.

"Our aim to control these military posts does not have any political implications," said Sami Abu Zouhri, a Hamas spokesman in Gaza, disputing Abbas's assertion the previous day that Hamas was seeking to take full control of the government by force. "This is not a coup. After all, we are the ones responsible for the legitimate institutions."

Abu Zouhri said Hamas was targeting posts that have been used "for the humiliation and torture of Hamas followers," an assertion Fatah officials have long rejected. "What we are trying to do is bring back the calm," Abu Zouhri said. "What we are doing is going to correct the security situation in Gaza."

Before dawn, gunmen from the rival parties fought for control of strategic sites in downtown Gaza City, including high-rise office and apartment buildings. Four fighters affiliated with Fatah and Hamas died in the early morning fighting.

Later, at least seven bodyguards of Maher Megdad, a Fatah spokesman in Gaza, were killed when Hamas gunmen attacked his home.

[mike435]

and than there are people here who have audacity to close there eys and say haams is a party that can be a partner in peace.

if this is what they do to there own people what do think they will do to the israelis if they had the chance.

HAMAS id nothing but an evil terrorist orginization with no respect fo anything

when you sleep with the terrorist dont be surpeised to wake up dead

[Rasputin]

تشکیلات خودگردان با خطر تجزیه مواجه است


طرفداران حماس در غزه مراکز وابسته به فتح و رهبری تشکیلات خودگردان را تصرف کرده اند
جنبش حماس عملا بر تمامی باریکه غزه مسلط شده و با نادیده گرفتن دستور انحلال دولت ائتلافی، سرزمین های فلسطینی را با خطر تجزیه مواجه کرده است.
درگیری گروههای رقیب فلسطینی برای تسلط بر باریکه غزه با تصرف مراکز و خلع سلاح افراد وابسته به چناح فتح توسط شبه نظامیان حماس خاتمه یافته در حالیکه نخست وزیر وابسته به حماس بر ادامه فعالیت دولت تاکید نهاده است.

روز پنجشنبه محمود عباس، رییس تشکیلات خودگردان فلسطینی و رهبر جناح فتح، با صدور فرمانی، ضمن برکناری کابینه ائتلافی متشکل از اعضای حماس و فتح، انحلال پارلمان و برگزاری انتخابات زودرس را اعلام داشت.

در واکنش به این اقدام، اسماعیل هنیه، نخست وزیر، در یک نشست خبری در روز جمعه، 25 ژوئن، این فرمان را نادیده گرفت و اعلام داشت که در راس دولت ائتلافی به کار خود ادامه می دهد.

آقای هنیه اقدام رییس تشکیلات خودگردان را عجولانه توصیف کرد و افزود که شرایط کنونی اجازه "تصمیم گیری های یکجانبه" را نمی دهد.

به نظر می رسد هدف رییس تشکیلات خودگردان از برکناری دولت نیز تحکیم موقعیت جناح فتح برای مقابله با عملیات احتمالی حماس در کرانه باختری بوده است و بعید به نظر می رسد این اقدام بر اوضاع در باریکه غزه تاثیر چندانی داشته باشد.

اسماعیل هنیه با تاکید بر اینکه شبه نظامیان حماس نظم و قانون را با قاطعیت به اجرا خواهند گذاشت، تشکیل یک دولت جداگانه فلسطینی در باریکه غزه را رد کرد و وحدت بین این بخش از سرزمین های فلسطینی و کرانه باختری را مورد تاکید قرار داد.

با اینهمه، تحولات روزهای اخیر به آرمان استقرار کشور مستقل فلسطینی در کرانه باختری و باریکه غزه ضربه ای شدید وارد آورده و تلاش جامعه بین المللی برای همزیستی مسالمت آمیز فلسطینیان در کنار اسرائیل را به مخاطره انداخته است.

واکنش جهانی

فرمان برکناری دولت ائتلافی به توصیه کمیته اجرایی سازمان آزادیبخش فلسطین - ساف - صادر شد که از تعدادی از سازمان های فلسطینی تشکیل یافته اما حماس در آن عضویت ندارد.

هنیه فرمان برکناری دولت و انحلال پارلمان را نادیده گرفته است

کمیته اجرایی ساف همچنین خواستار اعزام نیروهای بین المللی برای استقرار آتش بس در غزه شد.

در حالیکه کشورهای غربی از محمود عباس پشتیبانی می کنند، جنبش حماس از حمایت ایران و سوریه برخوردار است و به همین جهت، تحولات اخیر در غزه واکنش منفی اسرائیل و ایالات متحده را در پی داشته است.

وزیر دفاع اسرائیل گفته است که دولت او اجازه نخواهد داد باریکه غزه به محلی برای تشدید "عملیات تروریستی" علیه اسرائیل تبدیل شود و وزیر خارجه آمریکا نیز حمایت این کشور را از "اقدامات قانونی" رییس تشکیلات خودگردان اعلام داشته است.

مصر گفته است که به منظور مراقبت بیشتر از مرز مشترک با غزه و جلوگیری از ورود موج پناهجویان، نیروهای مرزبانی خود را تقویت کرده است و قرار است اتحادیه هم عرب به منظور یافتن راهی برای حل بحران کنونی به زودی تشکیل جلسه دهد.

تحولات غزه و این احتمال که ممکن است نبرد بین جناح های فلسطینی به کرانه باختری رود اردن هم کشیده شود باعث بروز نگرانی شدید در اردن شده است.

حدود نیمی از جمعیت اردن را فلسطینیان تشکیل می دهند و این خطر وجود دارد که گسترش درگیری به کرانه باختری به بروز رقابت و رویارویی بین طرفداران گروه های مختلف فلسطینی در این کشور منجر شود.

همچنین، کشورهای طرفدار غرب در منطقه نگران نفوذ ایران و سوریه هستند به خصوص اینکه ادامه و احتمالا تشدید تحریم اقتصادی باریکه غزه توسط کشورهای غربی می تواند حماس را هر چه بیشتر به کمک های مالی کشورهای مخالف روند صلح خاورمیانه وابسته کند.

سابقه حماس

با وجود اینکه دولت اسرائیل از میان رفتن اقتدار رهبری تشکیلات خودگردان در باریکه غزه را نگران کننده خوانده است، اما احتمالا عوامل تندرو در اسرائیل، که همواره با تشکیل کشور مستقل فلسطینی مخالف بوده اند، از تسلط حماس بر غزه به عنوان دلیلی بر فقدان انسجام سیاسی در میان فلسطینیان و خطرات آن برای موجودیت اسرائیل بهره برداری خواهند کرد.

حرکت مقاومت اسلامی - حماس - موجودیت اسرائیل و توافقنامه های صلح با فلسطینیان را به رسمیت نمی شناسد و خواستار ادامه عملیات مسلحانه برای نابودی کشور یهود و تشکیل حکومت اسلامی در کرانه باختری، باریکه غزه و سرتاسر خاک اسرائیل است.


ممکن است برخی عوامل تندرو در تشکیلات سیاسی اسرائیل که همواره با ایجاد کشور مستقل فلسطینی مخالف بوده اند از تسلط حماس بر غزه به عنوان نشانه ای از بی ثباتی سیاسی در میان فلسطینیان و خطرات آن برای اسرائیل بهره برداری کنند

سابقه تاسیس این گروه فلسطینی به اواخر دهه 1960 و ایجاد تشکیلاتی به عنوان شاخه سازمان اسلامگرای اخوان المسلمین در اراضی اشغالی باریکه غزه و کرانه باختری باز می گردد.

از اواخر دهه 1970، این گروه نفوذ خود را در میان تشکل های حرفه ای در سرزمین های اشغالی گسترش داد و برخی پژوهشگران گفته اند که در آن زمان، برخی نهادهای اسرائیلی به منظور تضعیف جنبش فتح به رهبری یاسر عرفات، از حماس حمایت می کردند.

در سال 1980، حماس به عنوان یک سازمان خیریه در اسرائیل به ثبت رسید اما با آغاز رهبری شیخ احمد یاسین در اواسط دهه 1980، این گروه به حمایت از اقدامات مسلحانه علیه اسرائیل گرایش یافت و فعالانه از انتفاضه فلسطینیان مشارکت کرد.

در اوایل دهه 1990 و در نتیجه امضای توافقنامه صلح فلسطینیان و اسرائیل، رهبران سازمان آزادیبخش فلسطین از تبعید در خارج به اراضی اشغالی بازگشتند، تشکیلات خودگردان را ایجاد کردند و رهبری آن را بر عهده گرفتند.

گفته می شود که از همان زمان، اعضای گروه هایی مانند حماس، که در انتفاضه شرکت کرده بودند، از واگذاری قدرت به رهبران و اعضای ساف، که در سال های انتفاضه در کشورهای خارجی اقامت داشتند، احساس ناخرسندی می کردند هرچند در زمان حیات یاسر عرفات، توان رقابت با ساف را نداشتند.

حماس با شرکت در انتخابات شوراهای محلی فلسطینی در سال 2004 وارد فعالیت های سیاسی شد هرچند شاخه نظامی آن همچنان به عملیات مسلحانه از جمله بمب گذاری های انتحاری علیه اسرائیل ادامه می داد.

این گروه در انتخابات پارلمانی ژانویه 2006 نیز شرکت کرد و با کسب اکثریت کرسی های پارلمانی، رهبری کابینه فلسطینی را در دست گرفت هر چند با وجود فشارهای بین المللی، از پذیرش تصمیم های ساف در مورد شناسایی موجودیت اسرائیل و نفی عملیات مسلحانه خودداری ورزیده است.

[Rasputin]

Hamas defies Palestinian president

The deposed Palestinian prime minister from Hamas has defied Mahmoud Abbas, the president from rival faction Fatah, calling his sacking and declaration of an emergency "hasty" and pledging that his government will continue to function.

"The existing government will carry out its tasks," Ismail Haniya said in a news conference in the early hours of Friday.

"We will continue … with a national unity government."


Haniya said Abbas and his advisers did not consider "the consequences and its effects on the situation on the ground" in sacking Haniya's government and declaring a state of emergency.

Imagined realities



"President Mahmoud Abbas took premature decisions that betray all agreements reached," he said.



Your Views
"If you ask me Fatah and Hamas are the same: both seek power and both want to obtain it through violence"


Hamas forces routed Fatah fighters in Gaza on Thursday, prompting Abbas, who is in Ramallah in the West Bank, to declare a state of emergency and dismiss Haniya's unity government made up of Fatah and Hamas representatives.



Al Jazeera's Nour Odeh said both Abbas and Haniya spoke about "realities" that did not exist and are nearly impossible to enforce on the ground.



The declaration of an emergency in Gaza is unlikely have any effect as Abbas's security forces have been defeated and the institutions of the Palestinian Authority overrun by Hamas.



And Haniya's assertion that his unity government would continue sounded hollow as Fatah loyalists form the majority of the sacked government.



Haniya blamed the latest bout of violence on Fatah supporters, accusing them of "having committed crimes and having killed citizens for their political allegiance and have executed others after kidnapping them".



No separate state



Despite his forces overrunning their Fatah rivals and taking over all security force buildings in Gaza, including the presidential compound, Haniya said Hamas had no intention of declaring a separate Palestinian state in Gaza without the West Bank.



Gaza witness


A resident tells Al Jazeera of the violence in her area


"The Gaza Strip is an indivisible part of the homeland and its residents are an integral part of the Palestinian people. No to a state in the Gaza Strip only because the state is a whole that cannot be divided," Haniya said.



"We will impose security firmly, decisively and legally," he said.

"I call on the police and the [Hamas] executive force to impose law and order starting this moment, and to protect the compounds and private and public properties."



He sounded a conciliatory note by calling on "my brothers in Hamas to declare a general amnesty and to guarantee people's lives".



But Odeh said a quick reconciliation would be difficult as the core of the Palestinian Authority – the security apparatuses – had been undermined and Abbas had been humiliated further by having his presidential compound in Gaza seize by Hamas forces.

Meanwhile, the Fatah-linked al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades urged Abbas to declare martial law, urging its fighters to mobilise in the West Bank and consider any Hamas member an "outlaw".

[zubin]

its not a "war"

[mike435]

is it than a struggle to statehood

at the ultimate loss to the Palestinians

irony indeed

i think it is what happens when one terrorist group fights another another for the "throne"

sad thing is that fatah seemed to be improving and for a small moment it appeared that abbas really wanted peace
this shows the ultimate absurdity of the middle east

[Rasputin]

اتحادیه عرب خشونت های مناطق فلسطینی را محکوم کرد


بیم آن می رود که خشونت های غزه به کرانه باختری نیز کشیده شود
یک روز پس از آنکه جنبش اسلامگرای حماس کنترل غزه را در دست گرفت، وزیران امور خارجه کشورهای عضو اتحادیه عرب با تشکیل جلسه ای در قاهره از خشونت های غزه انتقاد کردند.
این وزیران خواستار پایان یافتن خشونت هایی شدند که بیش از یک صد کشته بر جای گذاشته است.

آنها همچنین از دو گروه رقیب فلسطینی فتح و حماس خواستند درگیری را پایان دهند و از همه طرف ها خواستند ریاست محمود عباس را بر تشکیلات خودگردان فلسطینی محترم بشمارند.
محمود عباس هم اکنون کنترل کرانه باختری را در دست دارد.

وزیران شرکت کننده در اجلاس اتحادیه عرب گفتند یک کمیته حقیقت یاب تشکیل می دهند تا درباره خشونت های غزه تحقیق کند و از تلاش های میانجیگرانه مصر و عربستان سعودی حمایت به عمل بیاورد.


در همین حال مصر با انتشار بیانیه ای حماس را به خاطر تصرف غزه محکوم کرده است.

خبرنگار بی بی سی در قاهره می گوید دولت های مصر و عربستان سعودی نگرانند که مسئله فلسطین در پرورش ستیزه جویی و به افراط گرایی کشیده شدن مردم منطقه موثر باشد.

مارگارت بکت، وزیر امور خارجه بریتانیا، نیز در اظهار نظری تند به حمایت از رئیس تشکیلات خودگردان پرداخته و کنترل نظامی حماس بر باریکه غزه را به 'کودتا' تشبیه کرده است.

آمریکا، سازمان ملل و روسیه نیز قویا از آقای عباس پشتیبانی کرده و گفته اند که او را تنها رهبر فلسطینیان می دانند. آنها همچنین نسبت به وضعیت مردم منطقه بعد از یک هفته درگیری های سنگین در غزه ابراز نگرانی کرده اند.

در تهران، اکبر هاشمی رفسنجانی، رییس مجمع تشخیص مصلحت ایران و امام جمعه موقت تهران، در خطبه های نماز جمعه تصرف شهر غزه توسط حماس را حركتی "در جهت تمايل دشمنان به ويژه رژيم صهيونيستی" دانست.

آقای رفسنجانی درگیری های اخیر غزه را مورد انتقاد قرار داد و گفت "آنها به جای اين كه با دشمن مشترک خود رژيم اسرائيل مبارزه كنند اسلحه را روی يكديگر گرفته *اند."

[Rasputin]

در حالی که سرزمينهای فلسطينی دچار جنگ داخلی بی سابقه ای شده و گروه اسلامگرای حماس و جنبش فتح به عنوان دو گروه عمده قدرتمند در اين سرزمينها دچار درگيری خونينی با يکديگرند، از جانب ايران که مسائل سرزمينهای فلسطينی از اولويتهای سياست خارجی آن به شمار می رود و در عين حال به حمايت از گروههای اسلامگرا همچون حماس شهرت دارد، هنوز موضعگيری رسمی در قبال بحران جاری در سرزمينهای فلسطينی مخابره نشده است.
دليل اين سکوت را از حميد احمدی، استاد علوم سياسی در دانشگاه تهران و حسن فحص روزنامه نگار عرب و نويسنده روزنامه عربی الحيات در تهران پرسيديم که روابط ايران با جهان عرب را دنبال می کنند.

آقای احمدی دليل اين سکوت را در دشواريهای می بيند که ايران در منطقه با آنها روبروست و معتقد است که در شرايطی که ايران دچار مسائل پيچيده ای در روابط خارجی خود است، مسائل داخلی فلسطينيان از آن چنان اولويتی برای ايران برخوردار نيستند که با ورود به آنها مسائل را پيچيده تر کند و با واکنشهای سختی مواجه شود.

به دليل اينکه ايران حامی سنتی حماس به شمار می رود، برخی ايران را متهم می کنند که با حمايت از يکی از دو طرف درگير در سرزمينهای فلسطينی، در واقع به بحران جاری در اين سرزمينها دامن می زند.

اما حسن فحص می گويد ايران درگيری در اين سرزمينها را به سود خود نمی بيند و بر خلاف اتهاماتی که عليه ايران مطرح می کنند، دولت جمهوری اسلامی با اينکه در ظاهر خاموش است اما در واقع به دنبال فراخواندن طرفهای درگير به سازش و آرامش است.



ايران به دنبال ادامه و گسترش درگيری در سرزمينهای فلسطينی نيست و متوجه است که اين درگيريها در نهايت به سود اسرائيل و به زيان ايران خواهد بود، قدرتهای جهانی نيز به اين موضوع آگاهند


حميد احمدی

به گفته وی، ايران نگران است که ادامه درگيری جاری در سرزمينهای فلسطينی باعث گسترش آن به لبنان شود که خود دچار درگيری درونی است و ايران خواهان گسترش درگيری ميان اين جناحها نيست و از سوی ديگر، اين درگيری می تواند به تحقق آنچه مقامات ايران، طرح آمريکا در خاورميانه می دانند کمک کند و به سود آمريکا و اسرائيل تمام شود.

طرح آمريکا از ديد مقامات ايرانی اين است که نيروهای سياسی جهان اسلام روياروی هم قرار گيرند و يکديگر را تضعيف کنند که بدين ترتيب، نيروهای هوادار ايران در منطقه نيز تضعيف می شوند و ايران در انزوای بيشتر قرار می گيرد.

کسانی که به دامن زدن ايران به بحران در سرزمينهای فلسطينی اعتقاد دارند، اين بحران را با بحران عراق مقايسه می کنند که از ديد آنان، به سود ايران تمام شده است، چراکه باعث گسترش حوزه نفوذ ايران در خاورميانه شده و برگه هايی برای بازی با غرب به دست ايران داده است.

اما حسن فحص می گويد که ايران اگرچه از نفوذ در گروههای فلسطينی به عنوان برگه هايی در جهت تأمين منافع خود نيز استفاده می کند اما در عين حال خواهان تبديل شدن اين برگه ها به مشکل برای خود نيست.

به گفته وی، ادامه درگيری ممکن است به زيان حماس تمام شود، چراکه اگر حماس همچنان بخواهد باريکه غزه را در تسلط خود نگه دارد، هم در اداره اين منطقه با دشواری مواجه خواهد شد، و هم اينکه دولتهای عرب حمايت از تشکيلات فلسطينی را که در مسائل مربوط به صلح خاورميانه، شريک آنان است رها نخواهند کرد تا به حمايت از حماس بپردازند و بدين ترتيب حماس در انزوايی فروخواهد رفت که به ضعف آن خواهد انجاميد.

به گفته آقای فحص، ادامه تسلط حماس بر باريکه غزه آينده تاريکی برای موجوديت دولت خودگردان فلسطينی رقم خواهد زد و حتی قابليت آن را دارد که اسرائيل را برای هميشه از دست فلسطينيها راحت کند و باعث شود آن گونه که دو سال پيش در طرحی پيشنهاد شده بود، باريکه غزه تحت حاکميت مصر درآيد و کرانه باختری کنفدراسيونی با اردن تشکيل دهد و بدين ترتيب دولت مستقل فلسطينی هيچگاه تحقق پيدا نکند.



برخی از ديگر کشورهای دخيل در مسائل سرزمينهای فلسطينی می کوشند تا با دامن زدن به بحران در اين سرزمينها به منظور مقابله با فشارهای سياسی که از جانب قدرتهای جهانی بر آنها وارد می شود استفاده کنند


حسن فحص

حميد احمدی نيز می گويد در شرايطی که برخی از عملکردهای حماس در حمله به پايگاههای جنبش فتح در سرزمينهای فلسطينی ابراز نارضايتی طبعاً ممکن است باعث نارضايتی افکار عمومی بخشی از مردم فلسطين باشد، اينکه اينجا و آنجا گفته شود ايران در اين درگيری از حماس حمايت می کند به سود ايران نيست و در نتيجه به نظر می رسد ايران به دنبال ادامه و گسترش درگيری در سرزمينهای فلسطينی نيست و متوجه است که اين درگيريها در نهايت به سود اسرائيل و به زيان ايران خواهد بود.

آقای احمدی اعتقاد دارد که قدرتهای جهانی نيز به عدم تمايل ايران به دامن زدن به درگيری در سرزمينهای فلسطينی آگاهند.

تفاوت رويکرد ايران با سوريه

حماس علاوه بر حمايت ايران، از پشتيبانی سوريه نيز برخوردار است و برخی رهبران آن در سوريه مستقرند.

حسن فحص با تأکيد بر اينکه ايران خواهان ادامه درگيری حماس و جنبش فتح نيست و در جهت پايان اين درگيری می کوشد، بی آنکه نامی از سوريه ببرد، اعتقاد دارد که برخی از ديگر کشورهای دخيل در مسائل سرزمينهای فلسطينی می کوشند تا با دامن زدن به بحران در اين سرزمينها به منظور مقابله با فشارهای سياسی که از جانب قدرتهای جهانی بر آنها وارد می شود استفاده کنند.

وی از جمله ريشه های درگيری جاری در سرزمينهای فلسطينی را دخالت برخی از فرماندهان نظامی و سياسی حماس در خارج از اين سرزمينها می داند که به گفته وی، انحصارطلبند و نمی خواهند جنبش فتح را در قدرت با خود شريک کنند و بدين ترتيب با توافق و سازش با فتح مخالفت می ورزند و از آغاز نيز با تشکيل دولت وحدت ملی در سرزمينهای فلسطينی که فتح هم در آن حضور داشته باشد مخالف بوده اند.

شاهد ديگری که برای عدم دخالت ايران در درگيريهای سرزمينهای فلسطينی ارائه می شود، برحذر بودن سازمان جهاد اسلامی فلسطين از اين درگيريهاست، سازمانی که بيش از حماس از پشتيبانی ايران برخوردار است و گفته می شود به توصيه ايران نيروهای خود را از ورود به درگيری برحذر داشته است.

[Rasputin]

Hamas both mocked and reached out to its defeated Fatah rivals on its first day in full control of Gaza, offering them amnesty yesterday but also rifling through President Mahmoud Abbas' bedroom and throwing a Fatah gunman off a rooftop.

Safe in the West Bank, Abbas moved quickly to cement his rule there, after losing control in Gaza in a five-day Hamas assault on his forces. He replaced the Hamas prime minister, Ismail Haniyeh, with Finance Minister Salam Fayyad, as part of a new moderate government.

Hamas, overwhelmingly elected in a 2006 parliament vote, denounced Abbas' moves as a coup. Hamas' supreme leader, Syrian-based Khaled Mashaal, later said Abbas has legitimacy as an elected president and promised to co-operate, but warned Fatah against going after Hamas supporters.

The sparring made little difference on the ground: The Palestinian territories, on either side of Israel, are now separate entities with two governments -- one run by Hamas and backed by radical Islamic states, and the other controlled by the Western-supported Fatah.

Abbas received immediate pledges of support from Israel, the U.S., Egypt, Jordan, the UN and Saudi Arabia. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert told Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak by phone that he would take steps to bolster Abbas. Officials in Olmert's office said he will consider releasing hundreds of millions of dollars in tax funds that were frozen after Hamas came to power.



Though the government Abbas plans to appoint will have no say in Gaza, it stands a stronger chance than the Hamas-Fatah coalition it replaces of restoring foreign aid to the West Bank.

Palestinians in both territories struggled to adjust to the new reality, which crushed hopes of a Palestinian state. With Hamas largely neutralized in the West Bank, some expected renewed Western aid there. Many Gazans feared becoming more isolated.

Hamas was both cocky and conciliatory yesterday.

It freed nine senior Fatah leaders and many lower-ranking activists, saying it was granting amnesty to its rivals. Yet Hamas gunmen also entered the seaside compound of Abbas, rifling through the president's belongings.

Gaza City's Shifa Hospital was still grappling with the aftermath of battle. More than 90 people were killed and dozens wounded.

[Rasputin]

How troublesome the Muslims of the Middle East are. First, we demand that the Palestinians embrace democracy and then they elect the wrong party - Hamas - and then Hamas wins a mini-civil war and presides over the Gaza Strip. And we Westerners still want to negotiate with the discredited President, Mahmoud Abbas. Today "Palestine" - and let's keep those quotation marks in place - has two prime ministers. Welcome to the Middle East.

Who can we negotiate with? To whom do we talk? Well of course, we should have talked to Hamas months ago. But we didn't like the democratically elected government of the Palestinian people. They were supposed to have voted for Fatah and its corrupt leadership. But they voted for Hamas, which declines to recognise Israel or abide by the totally discredited Oslo agreement.

No one asked - on our side - which particular Israel Hamas was supposed to recognise. The Israel of 1948? The Israel of the post-1967 borders? The Israel which builds - and goes on building - vast settlements for Jews and Jews only on Arab land, gobbling up even more of the 22 per cent of "Palestine" still left to negotiate over ?

And so today, we are supposed to talk to our faithful policeman, Mr Abbas, the "moderate" (as the BBC, CNN and Fox News refer to him) Palestinian leader, a man who wrote a 600-page book about Oslo without once mentioning the word "occupation", who always referred to Israeli "redeployment" rather than "withdrawal", a "leader" we can trust because he wears a tie and goes to the White House and says all the right things. The Palestinians didn't vote for Hamas because they wanted an Islamic republic - which is how Hamas's bloody victory will be represented - but because they were tired of the corruption of Mr Abbas's Fatah and the rotten nature of the "Palestinian Authority".

I recall years ago being summoned to the home of a PA official whose walls had just been punctured by an Israeli tank shell. All true. But what struck me were the gold-plated taps in his bathroom. Those taps - or variations of them - were what cost Fatah its election. Palestinians wanted an end to corruption - the cancer of the Arab world - and so they voted for Hamas and thus we, the all-wise, all-good West, decided to sanction them and starve them and bully them for exercising their free vote. Maybe we should offer "Palestine" EU membership if it would be gracious enough to vote for the right people?

All over the Middle East, it is the same. We support Hamid Karzai in Afghanistan, even though he keeps warlords and drug barons in his government (and, by the way, we really are sorry about all those innocent Afghan civilians we are killing in our "war on terror" in the wastelands of Helmand province).

We love Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, whose torturers have not yet finished with the Muslim Brotherhood politicians recently arrested outside Cairo, whose presidency received the warm support of Mrs - yes Mrs - George W Bush - and whose succession will almost certainly pass to his son, Gamal.

We adore Muammar Gaddafi, the crazed dictator of Libya whose werewolves have murdered his opponents abroad, whose plot to murder King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia preceded Tony Blair's recent visit to Tripoli - Colonel Gaddafi, it should be remembered, was called a "statesman" by Jack Straw for abandoning his non-existent nuclear ambitions - and whose "democracy" is perfectly acceptable to us because he is on our side in the "war on terror".

Yes, and we love King Abdullah's unconstitutional monarchy in Jordan, and all the princes and emirs of the Gulf, especially those who are paid such vast bribes by our arms companies that even Scotland Yard has to close down its investigations on the orders of our prime minister - and yes, I can indeed see why he doesn't like The Independent's coverage of what he quaintly calls "the Middle East". If only the Arabs - and the Iranians - would support our kings and shahs and princes whose sons and daughters are educated at Oxford and Harvard, how much easier the "Middle East" would be to control.

For that is what it is about - control - and that is why we hold out, and withdraw, favours from their leaders. Now Gaza belongs to Hamas, what will our own elected leaders do? Will our pontificators in the EU, the UN, Washington and Moscow now have to talk to these wretched, ungrateful people (fear not, for they will not be able to shake hands) or will they have to acknowledge the West Bank version of Palestine (Abbas, the safe pair of hands) while ignoring the elected, militarily successful Hamas in Gaza?

It's easy, of course, to call down a curse on both their houses. But that's what we say about the whole Middle East. If only Bashar al-Assad wasn't President of Syria (heaven knows what the alternative would be) or if the cracked President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad wasn't in control of Iran (even if he doesn't actually know one end of a nuclear missile from the other).

If only Lebanon was a home-grown democracy like our own little back-lawn countries - Belgium, for example, or Luxembourg. But no, those pesky Middle Easterners vote for the wrong people, support the wrong people, love the wrong people, don't behave like us civilised Westerners.

So what will we do? Support the reoccupation of Gaza perhaps? Certainly we will not criticise Israel. And we shall go on giving our affection to the kings and princes and unlovely presidents of the Middle East until the whole place blows up in our faces and then we shall say - as we are already saying of the Iraqis - that they don't deserve our sacrifice and our love.

How do we deal with a coup d'état by an elected government?

[Rasputin]

Fatah militants storm parliament

Fatah is dominant in the West Bank
Hundreds of Fatah gunmen have stormed Hamas-controlled institutions in the West Bank, including the Palestinian parliament building in Ramallah.
The gunmen reportedly tried to seize the Palestinian Legislative Council's second deputy speaker, Hassan Khuraishah, but staff intervened.

Fatah supporters also took over the Hamas-controlled council in Nablus.

The clashes came after Fatah was ousted from Gaza by Hamas, ending a week of clashes which left more than 100 dead.

The leader of Fatah, President Mahmoud Abbas is due to swear in an interim Prime Minister, Salam Fayyad, to lead an emergency government after his predecessor was dismissed.

The dismissed Prime Minister, Ismail Haniya, a Hamas leader, said the move was illegal, but called for people to show self-restraint and ordered police to ensure the rule of law.

Earlier, the Arab League condemned the latest infighting in Gaza as "criminal" and pledged fresh support for Mr Abbas.

Flags

In a show of strength, supporters of Mr Abbas' Fatah movement paraded around Ramallah and fired weapons into the air.

They chanted "Hamas out" outside the parliament and climbed onto the building's roof to plant Fatah and Palestinian flags.




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Later, they scuffled with officials after forcing their way into the office of one of the PLC's two deputy speakers and accusing him of being a Hamas supporter.

Mr Khuraishah, an independent, had been trying to stop members of a Fatah-linked militant group, the al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, hanging a flag inside the building.

Other Fatah supporters ransacked the ministry of education, led by Hamas member Nasser Shair, although no-one was harmed in the attack.

In Ramallah, almost all Hamas politicians and prominent supporters have either fled or gone into hiding.

Meanwhile, Hamas has said the bodies of seven of its supporters have been found in a compound in Gaza City which had been used by pro-Fatah security forces.

The Islamist group said they had been kidnapped before being shot dead.

The BBC's Aleem Maqbool in Ramallah says the political words may have become more conciliatory, but the actions on the ground have not.

[donsaeid]

پيامد درگيري*هاي غزه


درگيري*هاي بي*سابقه نوار غزه، هر چند به سيطره كامل و پيروزمندانه نيروهاي جنبش مقاومت اسلامي (حماس) و شكست نيروهاي تحت فرماندهي محمود عباس (ابومازن) انجاميد، اما به نظر مي*رسد اين اوضاع به يك بحران زجرآور و بلاوقفه در اراضي فلسطيني دامن خواهد زد.


درگيري*هاي بي*سابقه نوار غزه، هر چند به سيطره كامل و پيروزمندانه نيروهاي جنبش مقاومت اسلامي (حماس) و شكست نيروهاي تحت فرماندهي محمود عباس (ابومازن) انجاميد، اما به نظر مي*رسد اين اوضاع به يك بحران زجرآور و بلاوقفه در اراضي فلسطيني دامن خواهد زد.
البته جنبش حماس كه سال گذشته در يك انتخابات آزاد دومكراتيك توانست اكثريت آرا را به دست آورد، براي وقوع درگيري*هاي اخير، دلايلي را ارائه مي*دهد.
اين جنبش براساس قاعده پيروزي در انتخابات خواهان تسلط بر نيروهاي امنيتي در نهاد خودگردان فلسطيني بود.
مساله*اي كه از سوي ابومازن و ديگر فرماندهان فتح، به شدت مورد مخالفت واقع شد حتي محمود عباس ناچار شد با صدور حكمي تمام دستگاه*هاي امنيتي (حداقل چهار دستگاه جداگانه فعال در نوار غزه و كرانه باختري رود اردن) را تحت نظارت رياست نهاد خودگردان (يعني تحت نظارت خودش) قرار دهد.
اين امر رنجش حماس را در پي داشت و بعد از درگيري*هاي پراكنده، طرفين به يك مصالحه*اي كه توسط شاه عبدالله سعودي تدارك ديده شد، تن دادند. براساس آن مصالحه، حماس از حكومت يكجانبه خود دست كشيد و به فتح اجازه شراكت سياسي را داد. اما با اين حال، فضاي ظن و بدگماني ميان طرفين جاري و ساري بود و محمود عباس اجازه انحلال اين دستگاه*ها و ادغام آن در زير نظر وزارت كشور را صادر نكرد.
خود حماس، براي برقراري امنيت در چارچوب وظايف وزارت كشور نيروي جداگانه*اي به نام «نيروهاي اجرايي» ايجاد كرد كه مسووليت حفظ امنيت را به عهده گرفت كه بارها بر سرانجام وظايف*اش با نيروهاي امنيتي تابع محمود عباس درگير شدند.
اين امر، سرانجام به يك تسويه حساب خونين ميان طرفين كه طي آن نيروهاي دو طرف به تصفيه فيزيكي يكديگر پرداختند، منجر شد. نيروهاي محمود عباس البته در جنگ اخير غزه به سختي شكست خوردند و محمد دحلان، فرمانده ارشد فتح و مسوول دستگاه*هاي اطلاعاتي و استخباراتي و همچنين گارد امنيتي محمود عباس كه دشمني شديدي نسبت به حماس دارد، از قاهره جايي كه معالجات پزشكي خود را ادامه مي*دهد، ناظر شكست نيروهاي تعليم ديده خود كه چندي پيش از يك دوره آموزشي به وسيله امريكايي*ها و مصري*ها در قاهره به نوار غزه مراجعت كردند، بود.
اكنون وضع طوري است كه محمود عباس، كرانه باختري رود اردن را در اختيار دارد و حماس در نوار غزه مستقر است. علاوه بر*آن، عباس، حكومت هنيه را كه اكثريت را در پارلمان دارد، عزل كرد و به نظر نمي*رسد به بهانه بحراني شدن وضع، بزودي دستور برگزاري انتخابات جديد را صادر كند.
در چنين شرايطي، اسماعيل هنيه در يك اقدام محاسبه شده، پايبندي خود را به قرارداد مكه ابراز داشت و اين معني علاقه*مندي حماس به ادامه شراكت سياسي با جنبش فتح را مي*دهد.
از طرفي، امريكا و كشورهاي غربي، حمايت خود را از عباس ابراز داشتند. اما پيداست كه اين حمايت، موضع وي را در نظر افكار عمومي جهان عرب، تنزل خواهد داد و در عوض، طرفداري از جنبش حماس به دليل اتخاذ رويكردي مستقل از غرب و همچنين پايبندي*اش به عدم هرگونه سازش با اسرائيل، دو چندان خواهد شد.
در اين ميان اخباري از وجود طراحي پيچيده براي به جان هم انداختن فتح و حماس از طريق تحريك عناصر متهور و نافرمان فتح براي تهاجم به حماس، درز كرده است.
اين اخبار بر دست داشتن سازمان جاسوسي امريكا (سيا) و همچنين موساد در طرح*ريزي اين پروژه و تحريك عناصر امنيتي فتح كه داراي ارتباطات وسيعي با افسران امنيتي امريكايي و اسرائيلي هستند، تاكيد مي*كند.
اين طرح، البته در نوار غزه، جواب نداد. شايد فاز دوم آن در كرانه باختري آغاز شود كه البته فتح داراي قدرت بيشتري است. اما اين قدرت به ويژه براي فرماندهان و مسوولان بلندپايه فتح كه عموما پولدار و تاجرپيشه و زندگي مرفهي دارند توام با انگيزه نيست و لذا احتمال پيروزي عملياتي حماس نيز غيرمنتظره نخواهد بود.