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  • Rasputin
    Senior Member
    • Jan 2005
    • 63906

    #556
    What utter nonsense!

    Criticising Islam (a belief) and political Islam (a right wing reactionary movement that has raised Islam as its banner) has nothing to do with racism no matter how many deceptively claim it to be so. Criticising the belief in and practice of Female Genital Mutilation does not mean you are vilifying or inciting hatred against girls and women who believe they should be or are mutilated.

    Moreover, solidarity amongst people has nothing to do with their skin colour, place of residence or governments under which they were born or live under.

    Also, saying a defence of women’s rights living under Islamic rules supports the war on terror or the USA’s militarism or colonialism and imperialism is like saying sex education promotes promiscuity. Saying so is more an attempt to defend religion than anything else.

    And, why must a comparison be made with other outrages in the world. Yes the US government is one pole of international terrorism in the world today but what does that have to do with a defence of women’s rights living under the yoke of Islamic laws and rules?

    Do we tell the environmentalist that children’s rights are more important because children are so vulnerable? Do we tell the anti-racist activist that poverty is more important than racism because you have to be fed to be alive? It is only when discussing women’s rights and those whose rights are deemed culturally relative that such arguments crop up.

    And it only seems to come up with Islam and political Islam. No one says we shouldn’t condemn the Israeli occupation of Palestine or Tony Blair because US militarism is the main problem of our times.

    And of course we keep hearing about how Jack Straw or the French government have mentioned the veil and our doing so puts us in the same boat as them. How so? I want a ban on the burka, neqab and child veiling. I think child veiling is a violation of children’s rights. I want the veil banned in all public institutions and the educational system. I will criticise the hejab as a tool for the repression of women even if some have the ‘right’ to ‘choose’ veiling. And I want much more done to religion, including an end to faith schools and the taxation of all these religious ‘charities’ and mosques ...

    Are we really supposed to stop speaking against the death penalty -- for example - because Tony Blair is also against the death penalty in some way shape or form?

    In this context, I think the defence of the veil as ‘a form of clothing’, ‘expression of faith’, ‘matter of choice’ and so on and so forth is more of the same. Saying we need to go beyond the veil implies that it is a superficial matter and that there are more important issues at stake. This is not the case.

    The veil is a symbol like no other of what it means to be a woman under Islam - hidden from view, bound, and gagged. It is a tool for restricting and suppressing women. Of course there are some who choose to be veiled, but you cannot say it is a matter of choice because - socially speaking - the veil is anything but. There is no ‘choice’ for most women. In countries under Islamic rule, it is compulsory. Even here, in Britain, according to a joint statement about the veil from ‘Muslim groups, scholars and leaders’, including the Muslim Council of Britain, Hizb ut Tahrir and Islamic ‘Human Rights’ Commission, it is stated that the veil ‘is not open to debate’. The statement goes so far as to ‘advise all Muslims to exercise extreme caution in this issue since denying any part of Islam may lead to disbelief.’

    And you know what they do disbelievers when they can -- kill them.

    As I have said before, take away all the pressure and intimidation and threats and you will see how many remain veiled.

    In my opinion, debating the issue of women’s rights within an Islamic context is a prescription for inaction and passivity in the face of the oppression of millions of women struggling and resisting in Britain, the Middle East and elsewhere. Stripped bare it is a dishonest defence of Islam pure and simple and has nothing to do with women’s rights.

    We must not allow the political Islamic movement to shift and redefine the debate on women’s rights. Anywhere they have power, to be a woman is a crime. In places like Britain, however, where they are vying for political power, they aim to control women relegated to their constructed regressive community via a deceptive discourse on ‘rights’ and ‘choice’ whilst defending Islamic law and repressive groups and states in the Middle East and elsewhere. They are an extension of the same movement that stones women to death and throws acid in their faces if they are improperly veiled. The stronger they become, the more repressed are women in the so-called Muslim community.

    In the face of this onslaught, secularism, universalism and values worthy of 21st century humanity have to be defended and promoted unequivocally. We must hold the human being sacred. We must start first and foremost with the human being. We must stop sub-dividing people into a million categories beginning with religion and not even ending in Human. We must not allow concessions to religion at the expense of women; we must not allow the respect for and toleration of misogynist beliefs and practices. We have a duty to criticise and challenge Islam and its movement especially given what it is doing to women today.

    At a minimum, we must demand the complete separation of religion from the state and educational system. Secularism is an important vehicle to protect society from religion's intervention in people's lives. A person's religion has to be a private affair.

    Only an unequivocal defence of universal rights, secularism and the de-religionisation of rights and values will begin to defend women and their rights and challenge head on the outrage of this century.

    iran

    Comment

    • Sepideh_UK
      Senior Member
      • May 2006
      • 2226

      #557
      Loool
      Thanx for the Info...


      Comment

      • Rasputin
        Senior Member
        • Jan 2005
        • 63906

        #558
        نتايج پژوهش «عوامل موثر بر خشونت مردان عليه زنان» كه توسط رضا همتي كارشناس ارشد پژوهشگري از ميان ۳۲۰ خانوار تهراني صورت گرفته، نشان مي دهد كه شايع ترين نوع خشونت خانگي عليه زنان در ايران، خشونت رواني است.

        براساس نتايج اين تحقيق، ايراد گرفتن از خصوصيات اخلاقي زن با ۸/۷۳ درصد شايع ترين نوع خشونت اعلام شده است. همچنين داد كشيدن بر سر همسر با ۵/۶۳ درصد، بي توجهي به احساسات و عواطف با ۹/۵۶ درصد، مقصر دانستن در مسائل شخصي با ۷/۴۴ درصد، تصميم در امور مالي بدون نظرخواهي از همسر با ۵/۴۳ درصد به ترتيب در رده هاي بعدي شيوع خشونت هاي خانگي در تحقيق مذكور قرار دارند.

        براساس نتايج اين بررسي خشونت هاي فيزيكي حجم بسيار كمتري از انواع خشونت هاي خانگي در ايران را به خود اختصاص داده است. هل دادن شديد به منظور آسيب رساندن با ۳/۱۹ درصد، كتك زدن با ۱۸ درصد، پرت كردن اشيا و سيلي زدن با ۹/۱۶ درصد و مشت و لگد زدن با ۷/۸ درصد شايع ترين خشونت هاي فيزيكي ثبت شده در اين بررسي است.

        دكتر مصطفي اقليما رئيس انجمن علمي مددكاران ايران و عضو هيات علمي دانشگاه علوم بهزيستي و توانبخشي ايران به شرق گفت: «نتايج بررسي انجمن علمي مددكاران ايران از وضعيت يك هزار زن ساكن در تهران نشان داد كه نزديك به ۹۵ درصد خشونت ها عليه زنان روحي و رواني بوده و به ويژه در جهت تحقير و كوچك شمردن زن اعمال شده است.» وي كه به مناسبت روز جهاني توانبخشي قربانيان شكنجه در «نشست خشونت هاي خانگي زنان و كودكان» سخن مي گفت، افزود: «بسياري از ازدواج ها در ايران از روي اجبار صورت مي گيرد كه شامل اجبار در اصل ازدواج، اجبار در انتخاب همسر، اجبار در سن ازدواج و چگونگي ازدواج است كه در افزايش خشونت خانگي موثر است.»



        • تعارض در آمارهاي خشونت رواني



        نتايج خشونت هاي رواني عليه زنان كه در گزارش «عوامل موثر بر خشونت مردان عليه زنان» ثبت شده است با نتايج آخرين پژوهش رسمي كه سال گذشته از سوي مركز امور مشاركت زنان اعلام شده، منافات دارد. ۴/۳۸ درصد از پرسش شوندگان در طرح هاي «بررسي خشونت خانگي عليه زنان در ۲۸ استان» بهانه گيري هاي پي درپي و داد و فرياد و بداخلاقي با زن را به عنوان رايج ترين نوع خشونت رواني نسبت به خود عنوان كرده اند. ۹/۳۷ درصد زنان قهر و صحبت نكردن شوهر و خودداري از ارائه بحث در مورد مسائل فيمابين، ۸/۳۰ درصد محكم كوبيدن به در، به هم زدن سفره و انداختن ميز ناهارخوري را به عنوان شايع ترين رفتارهاي خشونت آميز اعمال شده بر خود برشمرده اند.

        اين در حالي است كه جعفر ميرزايي روانشناس باليني و مشاور خانواده در حاشيه نشست خشونت هاي خانگي زنان و كودكان در گفت وگو با «شرق» سوءرفتار عاطفي با همسر و كودك را اوج مشكلات خانواده ايراني دانست و گفت: «در جهت توانمندسازي اين گروه از زنان و كودكان، آموزش مهارت هاي زندگي در سطح وسيعي از جامعه بايد صورت گيرد.» وي عمده ترين دلايل بروز خشونت هاي خانگي را تمايلات و خواسته هاي دروني مانند ترشح بيش از حد برخي هورمون ها، انگيزه بيروني جهت آسيب رساندن به ديگران مانند فقر و اعتياد و تركيب شرايط موجود اجتماعي با يادگيري پيشين دانست و گفت: «گروهي از محققان خشونت را حاصل يادگيري عنوان مي كنند و برخي آن را نتيجه برداشت هاي منفي همسران مي دانند.» وي همچنين افزود: «خشونت در خانواده بيشتر زماني استفاده مي شود كه دسترسي فرد به ساير منابع قدرت از جمله پول و اطلاعات محدود باشد.» از سوي ديگر با توجه به نظريه فمينيستي، در جامعه مبتني بر پدرسالاري، شوهر نسبت به زن در خانواده از قدرت بيشتري برخوردار بوده و اين نابرابري قدرت خودبه خود باعث ايجاد خشونت در خانواده مي شود. اين مشاور خانواده در عين حال با اشاره به اينكه عوامل در تركيب با يكديگر در ايجاد خشونت در خانواده نقش دارند، گفت: «سطح كلي پرخاشگري مردان به طور مشخص نشان دهنده بدرفتاري نسبت به همسر نيست بلكه در تركيب با ساير عوامل مانند استرس، عدم دلبستگي به همسر در خشونت نسبت به زن موثر است.»



        • ۷۲ درصد سوءاستفاده جنسي از كودكان در سنين كمتر از ۵ سالگي



        جعفر ميرزايي همچنين با تاكيد بر اينكه بدرفتاري هاي آسيب زننده به كودكان بيشتر توسط والدين آنها صورت مي گيرد، گفت: «خشونت عليه كودكان شامل انواع خشونت هاي جسمي، جنسي و عاطفي است كه در تمام سطوح اجتماعي و اقتصادي و ميان اقوام مختلف گزارش شده است.» وي افزود: «۷۵ درصد خشونت عليه كودكان توسط والدين، ۱۵ درصد توسط ساير وابستگان و تنها ۱۰ درصد توسط افراد غريبه صورت گرفته است.» جعفر ميرزايي همچنين در توضيح علل سوء رفتار با كودكان گفت: «والديني كه در كودكي قرباني سوءاستفاده جنسي و جسمي قرار گرفته اند، خشونت در خانواده پدري، زندگي پرفشار، فقر و تعداد زياد فرزندان به عنوان عمده ترين علل ابراز خشونت والدين عليه كودكان شناخته شده است.» وي با اشاره به اينكه آسيب پذيري كودك نسبت به سوءاستفاده جنسي به نوع رفتار خشونت آميز، طول مدت آن و سن كودك بستگي دارد، افزود: «سوءرفتار جنسي با كودك او را در آينده با «اختلال هويت تجزيه اي» مواجه مي كند و اين فرد با شخصيت هاي متعددي زندگي و رفتار مي كند و در ضمن با هر تجربه ديگر در بزرگسالي آن تجربه سوءرفتار جنسي زنده مي شود.» وي تاكيد كرد: «روي آوردن به مواد مخدر در بين كساني كه در كودكي قرباني خشونت جنسي شده اند، به وفور ديده مي شود.»



        • زنان ۱۶ تا ۲۴ ساله: قربانيان تجاوز



        جعفر ميرزايي با اشاره به بحث تجاوز جنسي بين بزرگسالان گفت: «رفتار جنسي ناخواسته در ۹۵ درصد موارد توسط مرد به زن تحميل مي شود اما در ۵ درصد موارد نيز اين رفتار به مرد تحميل مي شود.» ميرزايي با اشاره به اينكه تجاوز به عنف در روانشناسي به عنوان تخليه تجاوز جنسي و پرخاشگري شناخته مي شود و اغلب با هدف آسيب رساندن به قرباني صورت مي گيرد، افزود: «طبق گزارش دايره فدرال تحقيقات در آمريكا، بيشتر مرداني كه مرتكب تجاوز جنسي مي شوند، بين ۲۵ تا ۴۴ سال دارند كه معمولاً زنان ۱۶ تا ۲۴ ساله را هدف آزار خود قرار مي دهند.»

        iran

        Comment

        • Rasputin
          Senior Member
          • Jan 2005
          • 63906

          #559
          think about it

          Flash: Delara Darabi's prison art




          iran

          Comment

          • Sepideh_UK
            Senior Member
            • May 2006
            • 2226

            #560
            Intresting....


            Comment

            • Rasputin
              Senior Member
              • Jan 2005
              • 63906

              #561
              شما از اولين حاميان کمپين يك ميليون امضاء برای برابری حقوق زنان بوديد. اين حرکت را تا اينجا چگونه مي‎بينيد ؟

              ـ به ‎نظر من اين کمپين به اصطلاح يک "اتمام حجت" است که شما با دليل و مدرک به جامعه نشان مي‎دهيد که فراخوان شما و کاری که انجام مي‎دهيد مورد توجه همه هموطنان شماست که از افراد فرهيخته، دانشگاهی، اهل قلم، فعال اجتماعی، کارمند، دانشجو، زن خانه‎دار شهری و روستايی و... به آن ملحق شده‎اند. در واقع آوردن يک حجت است که ديگر هيچ‎کس به شما انگ خشونت نزند و حق‎خواهی و تلاش برای عدالت و برابری زنان حق‎طلب را دال بر ايجاد خشونت و بلوا ندانند. چون فضای اين کمپين و اين حركتی كه آغاز شده فضايی متفاوت است که صدالبته به دنبال حرکت‎های حق‎طلبانه قبلی در 22 خرداد در ميدان هفت تير بوده و هدفش رسيدن به برابری حقوقی و رفع تبعيض است اما فضای آن با حضور وسيع همه مردم و جمع آوری امضای يکايک آنها فضای متفاوت به وجود مي‎آورد كه بافضايی که در ميدان هفت تير ايجادشد وخشونت هايی که بر شما رواشدفرق دارد يعنی ديگر کسی نمی تواند به شما انگ بزند.

              واقعه 22 خرداد را چگونه ديديد؟

              من در آن مقطع ايران نبودم، و درکانادا بودم که شنيدم به تجمع آرام زنان حق جو در ميدان هفت تير حمله شده و کتک خوردند و دستگير شدند، حتا شنيدم که گفته بودند سيمين بهبهانی هم کتک خورده مثل اينکه قرار است من در هر تجمعی باشم و کتک هم بخورم البته که واقعا دلم می خواست که در آنجا می بودم و در کنار هم باشيم حتی آقای بهرام مشيری با من تماس گرفت و من همان موقع گفتم که که اين ها زنانی هستند که حقوق عادلانه خود را می خواهند و مستحق اين خشونت نيستند و شما بدانيد که ما زنان هرطوری شده حق خودمان را مي‎گيريم. بعد آقای مشيری از من سوال کرد که فکر می کنی اين ماجرا به کجا می رسد و من گفتم که من به اين زنان و به اراده قوی و حقانيت آنان اعتقاد دارم و می دانم که آنها به هرشکل آنقدر ادامه می دهند تا اينکه حقوق شان را به دست بياورند بنابراين وقتی شنيدم که شما به دنبال خواسته‎ها و بيانيه‎تان در آن روز، كمپين را اعلام کرديد که همه مردم همکاری کنند و برای گرفتن حقوق خودشان با اين حركت متحد شوند همکاری با کمپين يک ميليون امضا را آغاز کنند بسيار خوشحال شدم و بدون كمترين ترديد حمايت خودم را اعلام کردم.

              من در اکثر تجمع های شما بوده ام و شاهد بوده ام که زنان در نهايت آرامش اجتماع کردند وحتی کوچکترين توهينی به کسی نکردند. فقط خواست هايشان را با ادب ونزاکت و در قالب جملات و شعارهای صلح‎آميز و زيبا بيان کرده اند و بيانيه خودشان را خوانده اند. اما باآنها درنهايت خشونت و بی ادبی و الفاظ رکيک برخورد شده و مايه شرمندگی همه مردهايی است که ساکت می نشينند و درمقابل اين کسانی که به مادران ، خواهران و دختران آنها اهانت می کنند سکوت کرده اند.

              ـ حقوق برابر و انسانی هدف اصلی فعاليت‎های مختلف جنبش زنان در طول يكصد سال اخير بوده، تفاوت عمده کمپين يك ميليون امضاء با انواع ديگر فعاليت‎ها به‎نظر شما در چيست؟

              ـ ببينيد انواع و اقسام فعاليت‎ها برای يك هدف وجود دارد و هدف همه‎ی اين فعاليت‎ها يکی است و آن هم رسيدن به حق انسانی است. ما برای رسيدن به حق‎مان اقدامات مختلفی می کنيم اما اين حركت همانطور که گفتم تظاهری است که بدانند شما تنها نيستيد و مردم بسياری از سراسر ايران با شما هم عقيده هستند. توصيه مي‎کنم که از سايت های اينترنتی بيشتر استفاده کنيد. من هيچ اشکال و مانعی نمي‎بينم که زنی در روستايی دور بعد از آگاه شدن نسبت به جريانی مثل همين كمپين و بيانيه‎ی آن، از دوست و آشنايی مثلا بخواهد که به جايش در اينترنت امضا کند. چنانکه در جريان "سد سيوند" خيلی از افرادی که به اينترنت دسترسی نداشتند امضا مي‎کردند. من خودم شاهد بودم که آدم‎هايی مي‎گفتند که اگر شما اينترنت داريد امضای من را هم بگذاريد. چون اين مسئله برايشان مهم بود. اين زن‎هايی که من می شناسم ـ به خصوص جوان‎ها ـ حتما موفق خواهند شد. زن‎هايی که بر خودشان واجب می بينند که به هر شکلی از حقوق خود و از حقوق همجنسان خود دفاع کنند حتما موفق مي‎شوند. ممكن است كمی طول بكشد ولی حتما موفق خواهند شد. به فعالان کمپين به‎خصوص به جوان‎ترها بگوييد که مهربان باشند و در برخورد با مردم، باصبر و حوصله و گشاده‎رويی برخورد كنند. زنی که مادر است، خواهر است، همسر است، عاشق است، دوست است و دوست می دارد مي‎بايست با محبت ذاتی و درونی خود و صرف زمان بسيار، راه را ادامه دهد... به همه‎شان خسته نباشيد مي‎گويم و مثل هميشه در كنارشان هستم

              iran

              Comment

              • donsaeid
                Senior Member
                • Nov 2005
                • 28300

                #562
                دقت و جديت زنان در انجام كار بيشتر از مردان است


                استاندار كرمانشاه گفت: زنان ثابت كرده*اند كه جديت، دقت، كارايي و حوصله آنان در انجام كار و پذيرش مسئوليت بيشتر از مردان است.



                عبدالمجيد غفوري امروز در گردهم آيي زنان دستگاههاي اجرايي و ادارات استان كه در تالار استانداري برگزار شد، افزود: من با اين گفته مخالفم كه زنان ضعيف تر از مردان هستند و اعتقاد دارم زنان خيلي قويتر از مردانند چرا كه زنان تمام مشكلات معيشتي، اخلاقي و فرهنگي خانواده را با صبر و حوصله تحمل كرده و به سرانجام مي*رسانند براي همين بايد نقش بيشتري به آنان داد.

                وي ادامه داد: پايه هر خانواده و جامعه مستحكم از وجود پر بركت زنان متفكر و مسئوليت پذير است و اسلام نيز جايگاه ويژه*اي براي زنان قايل است كه بايد اين جايگاه براي همگان روشن گردد.
                استانداركرمانشاه افزود : از مديران دستگاههاي اجرايي و فرمانداران خواهم خواست يك مشاور زن داشته باشند تا با برنامه ريزي*هاي منسجم بتوانيم جايگاه زنان را در جامعه تبيين و زمينه فعاليت بيشتر و اثرگذار آنان را در همه بخش*ها فراهم كنيم.
                غفوري ابراز اميدواري كرد با توجه به پتانسيل بالاي توانمندي زنان استان كرمانشاه ، بتوان از مديران زن در حد فرماندار و مديركل بهره گرفت.
                نه غزه نه لبنان جانم فدای ایران


                «در زندگی زخم*هايی هست که مثل خوره روح را آهسته در انزوا می*خورد و می*تراشد.»
                صادق هدايت؛ بوف کور

                Comment

                • Rasputin
                  Senior Member
                  • Jan 2005
                  • 63906

                  #563
                  An Iranian woman was in a Toronto court Thursday pleading not to be deported to Iran for fears she will be tortured.

                  The woman, who cannot be identified because she fears persecution, says she will be punished for speaking out against Islamic Shariah law.

                  "I might (go to) jail, they might hang me, as we heard about that girl a few months ago," she told CTV's Galit Solomon before breaking down in tears. "I don't know, I don't know what to do."

                  The woman fled Iran five years ago after divorcing her husband. She has been fighting for refugee status in Canada, but has been denied.

                  "I hope the judge just gives the answer (to) me because I'm tired," said the woman, who now makes her home in Toronto.

                  The woman's lawyer, Thomas Richards, is arguing the refugee denial be overturned based on a risk assessment conducted several months ago.

                  "We're also asserting that the Tehran government has informants here in Canada who are informing back to Tehran in the same way that the Canadian government has informants all over the world, and I lived in China and I met many of them," Richards said.

                  "So to say that we have to prove that there are Iranian informants or intelligence agents operating in Toronto, I believe to be a farce."

                  The judge listened to the case for about an hour. She will spend the next few days reviewing the evidence. A decision is expected next week.

                  iran

                  Comment

                  • Rasputin
                    Senior Member
                    • Jan 2005
                    • 63906

                    #564
                    While situated within these cross-cutting perspectives, Kurdish youth employ various kinds of images in different contexts, a practice they may share with young people around the globe (see Baumann, 1996). One of the examples is the very fixed use of male/female gender stereotypes, which are no doubt mediated by ideas about western gender assumptions as much as by constructions of gender in a Kurdish, Iranian, or Islamic context. Nader’s (1999) discussion about the relationship between various stereotypes shows their impact on women’s roles. She argues that Said’s traditional view of Orientalism should be rethought, “to include the notion that the West also exists ‘for’ the Islamic world and serves as an important contrastive comparison which restricts and controls women’s resistance…and explains gender construction as a result of interactions between two large world regions—the European West and the Arab East” (1989:325). Appendix 1:

                    This is also an important point because it shows how the opposed view of east/west ‘Arab’ and ‘European’ ignores the many cultural and minority influences in peoples daily lives. However, the theme of gender is a pervasive one running through virtually all the young people’s projects. The moral centre of the piece on street beggars, while again primarily addressing government mismanagement, also shows a tendency to draw lines between appropriate male and female roles in public and private space. Of course this is not a view that is exclusive to Muslim or Iranian society; as Passaro notes of welfare provision in US society “the celebration of the nuclear family and the ideologies surrounding gender converge to make homeless men an object of scorn rather than empathy” (1997:159), which is certainly the case here, given the tendency to view beggars as dishonest and even rich. The woman beggar, on the other hand, is explained in terms of the role she must occupy in Iranian society, and the challenges she would face being a woman. Is the critique one of social mores on gender behaviour or of government provisions for an impoverished region?


                    Appendix 8: caption reads, At Imam Khomeini Charity centre charity, recipients queue for services, food and money
                    The relationships of young people to authorities – family, community or the state – are not fixed, and this might be one of the reasons they express a kind of ambivalence towards their place in society and the ‘proper’ opinions they can and should express as part of these roles. Mead has argued in her classic work of youth ethnography, Coming of Age in Samoa, (1964) the transition from childhood to adult status need not be marked by angst and histrionic emotion. In fact, the she believes that this is constructed by cultural norms which in western society are unclear about the social roles and responsibilities that come with adulthood. From an early age, Kurdish youth are very active participants in duties in the home, which is in keeping with Mead’s point about clearly defined responsibilities and exposure to these in youth. Young people are appointed specific duties in looking after the household or shopping, usually divided according to gender. For instance, girls learn how to prepare the food and set the lunch and dinner table, clean the house, etc, while boys have more outside duties such as buying and queuing for bread from the local bakery, as well as shopping for meat and other foodstuff. It seems the different roles of males and females have been fixed and practiced. Young boys also tend to have more responsibilities – but also more freedoms – which bring them outside the home, therefore connecting them early on with the space of the street and outside the home. Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that the theme of public space and its domination by men runs through much of the work of the young women in particular. As LeBlanc has shown, “semi public and private recreational areas such as clubs and bars enforced regulations designed specifically to exclude women. Although these overt forms of gender discrimination have been largely overturned, public space retains a masculine imprint. Today, public areas such as streets and parks remain male territory. Most of these areas are ‘governed’ by males, as males make more frequent and freer use of public areas” (2000:207).


                    Appendix 9: Young boy asks: where is all this money and funding the council gets to maintain the parks and playgrounds? Why the government pays no attention to the life of young people, can you call this a playground?’
                    However, in societies which are neither completely pre-industrial as the Samoa she described, and also shaped largely by Islamic values, we see a similar attitude towards adolescence as a time of turmoil, stress and potential calamity. Mead’s point about the open attitude towards adult sexual and romantic relationships, and the freedom to experiment in early adolescence among Samoans, makes an interesting counterpoint to the experiences of young people in Iranian Kurdistan, where the divisions between the sexes and prohibitions of relations perceived as sexually dangerous are strictly enforced. From this perspective, attitudes about the dangers in premarital male/female interactions are perhaps unsurprising.

                    The ‘ideals’ of female behaviour as equally theatrical, dramatic and also shy and reserved, (see Fig. 3, 6 & Appendixes 11, 13), are perhaps a result of this, and can be compared to the feelings of anxiety associated with ‘western’ adolescence and its everyday performance. There may also be an interesting point to observe about the ongoing infantilisation of female roles in adulthood, as would be epitomised by the coy antics of Persian actress Hadeia Tehrani and the soap stars mentioned earlier.


                    Appendix 11: A close up of a young girl taken by one of the girls;‘ victim’ to the exploitations of a boy and now morally and emotionally bereft.
                    In contrast, boys are socialised in a uniform process through their two year military service, through which the state directly intervenes in this status transition from youth to adulthood (Sinclair-Webb, 1992; Kaplan, 1992). After this, if they have not chosen a profession or higher education, they are typically absorbed into the family business, or open a small shop with family help, as is often the case in the Kurdish region. Modernisation has tended to have a destabilising effect more on the questioning of female roles. Traditionally they would only transition to adulthood through marriage, though now many are leaving home in their late teens or early twenties to pursue education as a means to gain some degree of economic independence. Although the problem with unemployment remains high in Kurdistan generally, there are much fewer, and have been decreasingly, opportunities for women to find work in the public domain or private sector, which is mainly considered the territory of men (Tohidi, 1994).

                    iran

                    Comment

                    • Rasputin
                      Senior Member
                      • Jan 2005
                      • 63906

                      #565
                      Congratulations to Iranian women for achieving another milestone, the official woman-only taxis, driven by woman drivers in Tehran. Yes for those ignorant westerners women in Iran do drive vehicles. They passed that milestone decades ago, and for years for extra income they have been acting as taxi drivers by picking up passengers on their way to their regular jobs as doctors, bankers, teachers, etc. What’s new now is that it’s official, and it’s for the services of pious rich female passengers like Rafsanjani’s daughters and brides, when for some reason they cannot use their Mercedes Benz.

                      Isn’t that great. In a few other provinces they were doing it already, but Tehran in that respect was a backward metropolis.

                      One of the great things about the woman-only taxi system is that the drivers have to be married. That’s a good thing in case if a man by mistake or purpose wants to get in their cab and either try to hit on them, or ride in a brand new taxi, which is a rarity in Tehran. In case of deviant behavior unmarried women might lose control of the wheels in a situation like that, but married Iranian female drivers are better suited -- or shall I say they are more experienced -- in handling perverts.

                      When I say a man might get in a female-only taxi I am not exaggerating. A man can easily wrap himself in a chador (tent like veil), expose only one his eyes, feminize his voice a little and get away with it. Men were carrying guns under their chadors during the revolution and SAVAK (security apparatus of Shah’s regime) didn’t know anything about it. That’s how concealing chador is.

                      Of course the greatest thing about this new service is that women, or the ones who can afford it, no longer need to sit in cramped taxis adjacent to unshaven muscular sweaty perverts who rub their thighs, knees, legs, against their chadors, not to mention their upper torso, their greasy hair, under pit odor, and their bad breath. Oooweee, it makes my blood boil just to think about it!

                      But, all passengers being female requirement raises some problems of course. As you might have noticed some women have children, and women with children are more prone to need taxis than others, otherwise they would take the bus or the metro where they have a separate section for themselves already. Some of those children that those rich women have are unfortunately of the male species, which creates another problem, what to do with them? Fortunately for the taxi company there are some solutions to this problem. Here are some of them:

                      A religious solution: If the boys have reached the age of namahram (religiously forbidden to marry, i.e. two-years old) they should not be allowed to ride in the taxi. Even though adherence to the strictest hejab (veil) is one of the most essential requirements for the female taxi drivers, you never know the namahram boy might touch and feel part or parts of the driver by accident or propose, as curious boys normally do. The namahram boy can take the bus or the metro, who cares as long as he is not riding in a woman-only taxi.

                      A legal solution: The legal age for boys is generally thought of as being fifteen, that’s when they can get married anyway, or it could be established as the maximum legal age for riding the taxi with the mommies. The female passengers with boys should be required to produce identification to clearly show the age of the boys. None of these excuses such as shoharam shenasnasho bordeh ba khodesh (my husband has taken his identification with him) should be accepted. This is serious business. This is not like entering boys into the elementary school a year earlier than allowed by faking identifications. We are talking about entering boys (ahem men) into female-only taxis. All suspicious boys identifications should be checked thoroughly and on demand.

                      Check for signs of puberty solution: The assumption here is that the boys prior to puberty will behave themselves. In this scenario the boys that have started puberty ought to be identified and disallowed to ride in the cab, which might be hard to do. Some boys spring in some parts but not others. A good example is me, or was me when I sprung. When I was potent under my belly I had no signs of it anywhere else for a while, so I ended up seeing a lot of undies and teaties (oh boy, oh boy), before the proper woman of my surroundings figured out they should cover up themselves more appropriately.

                      In this case the female drivers should be required to take an additional class on top of what they are required to take, which are classes in driving techniques in the nightmarish traffic of Tehran, use of wireless communication system, use of Global Positioning System, and customer service. Why not make them take another class in how to recognize signs of puberty in boys? I think the class should be called shenokht’e bologh’e peseran (Understanding Boys Puberty) or something like that. But in no case should the mothers ask their boys to pull down their pants for inspection of their private parts. That’s asking too much. No boy should be asked to pull down his pants for a taxi ride, not even in Tehran. For candies yes, but not for taxis. No, no, no.

                      Oh, I almost forgot, Iranian women are experts in chonehzadan (the art of negotiation). In no way bachonehzan any female passenger should be allowed to get away with any of these rules.

                      Once again, congratulations.

                      iran

                      Comment

                      • Rasputin
                        Senior Member
                        • Jan 2005
                        • 63906

                        #566
                        In the midst of all the horrible and worrisome news of violence, war and massacres coming from the Middle East these days, it is news about women whose humane creativity, civic movements, and life-promoting and peace-seeking activities that bring hope for the future of this bloody and turbulent region. One example is the news of the Palestinian, Israeli and Lebanese women who have come together to promote dialogue and negotiation in an effort to end the prolonged wars and conflicts by finding a just and practical solution.

                        Today, there is an unyielding atmosphere prevailing in Iran, the Middle East and the international arena -- an atmosphere of militarism, violence and repression. An atmosphere that strengthens the spirit of militarism, perpetuates the cycle of violence, and produces violent and militant images of men and women, strengthening in turn the brutal culture of patriarchy and victimization of women and children. In spite of it, Middle Eastern women and activists have not surrendered to this atmosphere of fear. They have not wavered in their determination to seek novel, more effective and efficient methods to improve their legal and social status through a process of trial and error. These efforts surely will impact their societies and status of men as well as women positively.

                        Among the most hopeful efforts are the creative initiatives taken by Iranian women’s rights activists. The women’s movement in Iran is comprised of diverse groups, various activities and tactics. Some are engaged in organizing anti-violence workshops and anti-war activities as “Zanan Solh” (Women of Peace); some focus on feminist consciousness raising and egalitarian cultural production through print journals such as “Zanan” and “Hoquq-e Zanan,” some are doing this through internet journals such as Zanestan (HerLandMag.org) “Hastia Andish ; Kannon-e Zanan Iran (irWomen.com), “Meydan and the Women’s Committee of the Office to Foster Unity and the Alumni Organization of Iran (Advare Tahkime Vahdat, Sazemane Daneshamookhtegane Iran) -- both student organizations. One of the most recent initiatives seeks “Change for Equality” (“Barabary ); through the collection of one million signatures demanding changes to discriminatory laws against women in Iran.

                        Pragmatic Realism
                        The “One Million Signatures” campaign, which is designed to help reform discriminatory laws, resulted from and is a continuation of the women’s peaceful gatherings on the 12th of June in 2005 and 2006 that ended by violent attacks of the police and security forces. From both tactical and strategic points of view, this latest campaign is in line with an envisioned future where powers, opportunities and social goods are not divided based on gender differences or sexual orientation. Primarily initiated by the younger generation of women’s rights activists, this campaign seems to be turning into a point of convergence among many groups and individual activists in different parts of Iran.

                        This campaign seems to have surpassed ideological, sectarian and religious boundaries and limitations. Instead of seeking grand ideals and abstract solutions to women’s problems, it is struggling on to achieve defined and tangible goals through practical means and methods. This movement has distanced itself from the more prevalent masculine and elitist perceptions that assume only a handful of avant-garde intellectuals, having discovered the “Whole Truth” are the sole proprietors of solutions, who through personal sacrifice would impart the knowledge, bring freedom and ‘save the souls of the ignorant and oppressed masses.’

                        The aim and strategy of this campaign rests on direct contact between the activists and ordinary women that would involve two-way conversation, dialogue, understanding, negotiation and education. In this model, the activist or the intellectual moves beyond the concept and framework of the one who knows it all and does it all expert and becomes one of the many thousands of active participants, involved in the process of change. The final achievement of this movement results directly from this process of dialectical interaction. Here the civil society activist does not bear all the costs associated with the effort, and ordinary people are no longer passive or silent spectators.

                        By employing door-to-door and face-to-face educational strategy, the One Million Signatures Campaign will teach our activists a lot about social realities on the ground. In light of these teachings, instead of throwing themselves in the harms way and carrying the brunt of reform costs, separate from people, the women’s movement’s activists will be able to have a wider and more practical impact in unison with people, one that is accompanied by pressure from people and their full participation. In return more will share the cost, and more people and forces will have a stake in the outcome. This wise and creative move will finally add to the depth and breadth of the reforms.

                        As evident from the writings of the activists in this campaign, unlike political parties, the women’s movement has neither the intention of over-throwing the government, nor of seizing the state power. They reach beyond governments and aim at transforming the dominant cultural, social, economical, and political relations to achieve greater equality. Women’s struggle in today’s Iran is primarily a cultural and legal one, which is fought in a historical context rather than a battlefield. This struggle starts inside the homes (in the kitchens, bedrooms, and living rooms) and flows and spreads through workplaces (factories, workshops and offices), schools and universities, mosques, synagogues, and churches, streets and alleys, taxis and buses, stores and restaurants, parks, stadiums and recreation sites, parliaments and courtrooms, and reaches the general public through educational texts, books, newspapers and magazines, games and toys, poems, stories and lyrics, movies, radio and television programs, the internet, and everywhere and anywhere that gender dynamics are present and social relations between men and women exist.

                        Our skilled and well-informed women have learned from experience that male-domination is a multi-layered system, a deep-rooted and complex establishment, which will not fundamentally change through simply change in the state. This realization should however not serve to underestimate the critical role of the state in affecting women’s status within society. A simple comparison of facts and figures related to human development indicators (and empowerment indicators) in different countries, gives us credible documentation that in societies where political and governmental structures are democratic, non-ideological and non-religious, where economy experiences healthy growth and material resources and social goods are fairly distributed, where national resources are used to create strong social welfare support systems, provide education and healthcare instead of spending much on militarism, women enjoy a longer lifespan, and better physical and emotional health. Further, women in these societies benefit from greater equality and equal rights, a higher social status, higher education levels, greater economic power, widespread social and political participation and enjoy greater safety and security from domestic violence.

                        The Importance of the Law and the Necessity of Laws that Guarantee Equality
                        The aim of the “One Million Signatures Campaign” is to change and reform laws that discriminate against women. At first glance it may appear that legal and rights issues are not the most pressing and important of concerns for the majority of the Iranian women, rather inflation, unemployment, and lack of housing are issues most women struggle with on a daily basis. But men may struggle with the latter issues as much as women do. What insults and injures women, simply because they are women, and makes them more vulnerable, is the existence of discriminatory laws that in many cases degrade women and reduce them to second class citizens and place values on them which are half those of men.

                        Experienced and active women know only too well that having equal legal rights may not be a sufficient solution to women’s problems, but still they recognize that equality under the law is indeed a necessity. Without legal support, any attempt by women for self-empowerment, civil society-building, or cultural production and creative activity in the social and domestic arenas, will be blocked by limitations and hurdles. This point is underscored when one notes that many laws governing family, sexuality and gender relations in Iran lag behind modern changes, new attitudes, and new realities in Iran of today.

                        iran

                        Comment

                        • Rasputin
                          Senior Member
                          • Jan 2005
                          • 63906

                          #567
                          The Local-Global Interplay
                          The innovative and courageous method employed by the activists involved in the “One Million Signatures Campaign,” is not only well-rooted in the specific historical, cultural, religious, and geopolitical realities of Iran, but it is also in step with the most progressive and current discourses, laws and universal values. Furthermore, the aims of this campaign are respected and in line with values and goals espoused by international institutions such as the United Nations and well respected international human rights organizations.

                          Iranian activists are not following some abstract theory in defining and developing their strategy for change; rather they are basing these strategies on the available resources as well as tangible, concrete, and immediate realities. This choice of strategy demonstrates their understanding and knowledge of the daily-ness of women’s struggle, feminist theories and principles, and also of their involvement, connection and cooperation with trans-national feminist organizations in the region and beyond. These women understand that lofty goals will be difficult to achieve under the present repressive atmosphere, as such they have chosen to utilize deliberate and practical methods, with a persistent approach in-line with a woman-centered and feminist approach to culture-building.

                          Today, Iranian women’s rights activists are armed with lessons learned form women’s struggles around the world as well as those learned from the history and the experiences of their mothers and grandmothers in Iran. They have resolved not to take a passive approach, one that relies on the support of the West or promises of salvation through bombs and mortal-shells. Nor have they taken defensive stand in favor of the ruling patriarchy because of its defiance to the West. Rather they are taking practical steps toward democracy and equal rights, demarcating the women’s movement from both the native Islamist and Western imperial patriarchies. Likewise, they are not pinning their hopes on national political groups and parties that only give credence to women and their issues at election time or during political turmoil. These women are not waiting passively for the politicians’ promised “communist ideal” or the “secular democracy” or the “Islamic democracy,” as a means to guaranteeing them their human rights. Instead these women feel compelled to organize and network among themselves, and in a culture building exercise, grow in their self-confidence, and help get rid of superstitious beliefs and unhealthy and violent sexual prejudices that plague both men and women.

                          The Traditional-Modern Interplay
                          One of the special characteristics of the “One Million Signatures Campaign” may be the fact that in its creative course, this effort takes advantage of indigenous or traditional approaches that are familiar in Iran’s context as well as the latest modern international technologies offered by the information age. On the one hand, in order to gather signatures the campaign relies on collecting signatures through the “face-to-face” and “alley-to-alley” methods. This method that can offer the highest quality of human communication and connection and can produce a wealth of social capital, is reminder of ‘petitioning,’ a well-known tactic in Iran’s repertoire of civic and political struggles. On the other hand, by using the internet and virtual spaces such as websites and web-logs, the process of collecting signatures and networking is expedited. Furthermore, their distribution of educational pamphlets on the law to the general public on the streets would enhance the mutual but ephemeral face-to-face experience.

                          The creative juxtaposition of direct contact and interaction between activists and the general public on the one hand and virtual connections through the internet, works to reduce the gap between the real and virtual spaces. This would strengthen the progression and social and cultural dynamic of this campaign in particular and the women’s movement in general. It should be noted that one of the negative side effects of the internet, particularly web-logging is the potential for the individualization and the creation of isolated islands within civil society. If a large number of activists limit themselves to virtual spaces and virtual connections, overtime they may lose their ability to communicate and debate in actual spaces and the real world. Social energy and capital will in this situation be used for isolated and self-centered efforts with a limited sphere of effectiveness, which in the long run will not work to strengthen civil activism such as the women’s movement. However, positive and deliberate use of the internet in creative combination with traditional methods carried out in the public space and real realms, can bring about the most effective and altering outcome.

                          Neither Elitism, nor Populism
                          The last point I would like to address is the negative perception of the role of the elites, which seems to be somewhat evident in the writings of some of the campaign members. This viewpoint, and the lack of active participation of elites and experts may in fact be a point of weakness rather than strength for the campaign. In their description of the strategy of the campaign, some campaign members have praised this campaign for staying away from the elites, from lobbying, and any top-down efforts. They have valued only the merit of the followings: “bottom-up approach; from people’s homes to the street; and from streets to homes; from virtual spaces to actual spaces; etc.” But I believe while these are indeed part of the strengths of this campaign, they can be much more effective if combined by participation and support of the members of the elites and experts as well.

                          We do not want to be elitist, but we do not need to be populist and anti-elite either. We need both the grassroots or bottom-up and the top-down efforts to change the law in favor of women’s rights. It will not serve our purpose to devalue or appear hostile to those experts or elite members who work on some top-down projects toward reform. All these efforts can be indeed complimentary. Social, cultural and political struggles from around the world have owed much of their success to the cooperation, deliberation and coordination carried out by elites and experts (even at times these included some members of the ruling elites) alongside the masses and grassroots organizations of the civil society.

                          Obviously, efforts at reform led solely by experts and elites who do not sufficiently involve and acknowledge the role of the people should be avoided. Likewise, grassroots efforts at reform can reach their goals when they succeed in bringing along increasing number of elite members and experts. Lobbying, negotiation and advocacy, while may be beyond the capability or inclination of some of the activists involved in the campaign, are nevertheless indispensable tools and strategies for ensuring the continuation of this effort and achievement of its goals. It is the dialectical interaction, cooperation and convergence between the elites and the people that will ultimately bring about change.

                          Just as slavery was once considered a natural and even divinely ordered phenomenon, but today belongs to a dark and embarrassing chapter of history, the era of patriarchy and sexism (in modern as well as traditional pre-modern forms) will come to an end sooner or later. Today, we are confronted with those who are still trying to justify male-domination and perpetuate patriarchy and violence against women by resorting to patriarchal constructs of religion and male-centered interpretations of scriptures as some religious proponents of slavery did in the past. But the women’s movements and global feminism, despite its young age, have made important inroads in many realms of culture and society. Purposeful convergence of diverse groups of women at both grassroots and elite levels can only expedite the process of change toward equality, justice and peace.

                          I eagerly anticipate progress for this movement from which I am sure I can learn new ideas and rethink my own theories and understandings of feminist strategies and tactics. I shall do my share to support this effort at the regional, international, and trans-national levels. This campaign is an important part of the rights-seeking, civil, humanitarian and timely movement of Iranian women that deserve all the support at national and international levels. Even if this campaign does not result directly and immediately in the changing of laws, the process involved in it, in and of itself, is positive. This campaign is already contributing to feminist culture-building, the configuration of a common identity among many activists, and the enlightenment and consciousness raising about women’s rights in the society at large.

                          iran

                          Comment

                          • Rasputin
                            Senior Member
                            • Jan 2005
                            • 63906

                            #568
                            Since Mahmoud Ahmadinejad�s presidency, the Iranian regime has increased its oppressive tactics at home. The government is indeed tightening its fascist fist around the Iranian people, particularly women. It plans to segregate Iran�s pedestrian walkways on a gender basis, according to a deputy in Iran�s Parliament.

                            Early this March, security forces removed several hundred women spectators from an indoor stadium by force as they were watching athletes performing in the 2006 Gymnastics World Cup tournament being held in Tehran, eye-witnesses have reported. A few days earlier, State Security Forces attacked female soccer fans in Tehran after they held a defiant protest against the government decision to ban them from soccer stadiums.

                            And in another example of mullahs� �justice,� an Iranian court has sentenced a female teenage rape victim named Nazanin, 18 to death by hanging after since she had unintentionally killed a man who had tried to rape both her and her 16-year-old niece.

                            Iran�s theocratic government has devised a system that is unequivocally stacked against Iranian women, yet they still manage to organize and confront their oppressors. Stories of Iranian women resisting their ruling theocracy to achieve equality, justice and social rights are very compelling. This year�s commemoration of international women�s day was no different.

                            On the evening of the March 8th, hundreds of Iranian women took a stand in Tehran�s Laleh Park. Risking their lives, they held their defiant rally and asked that the West not pursue a policy of appeasement with the Iranian government � and instead help the Iranian people to determine their own destiny. They said that their government was spending incredible resources to develop a nuclear program while basic social imperatives go unmet. Admonishing the advocates of appeasement abroad, they said that conduct of such a tyrannical system can not be changed unless the entire ruling regime in Iran is brought down.

                            The government�s uniformed and secret police forces savagely attacked the coalescing crowds as seen in this video footage of the protest. Many of those participating were arrested and injured in the melee that followed. The spokesperson of the Women�s Rights Association of Iran which had organized the rally mentioned during a telephone interview* that the fate of those arrested at the gatherings could be the same as that of Zahra Kazemi.

                            Kazemi is the Iranian-Canadian photojournalist who was murdered in 2003, after she was arrested for taking pictures outside the notorious Evin prison in Tehran. According to an eyewitness reached by phone, if authorized, thousands would have turned up in the banned rally. Among the arrested were supporters of the Iranian opposition group People�s Mojahedin Organization of Iran, PMOI (also known as the Mojahedin e-Khalq � MEK) who were distributing pamphlets and posters, according to a second eye-witness account.

                            The cycle of brutality takes the lives Iranians by way of public hangings several times a week. Although verifiable evidence of death sentences and government sanctioned torture exists in the pages of Iran�s state-run newspapers, much of the abuse that occurs goes unreported.

                            Despite the danger women face in Iran today, they will continue to confront the Iranian regime until freedom and democracy is realized in Iran. As Iran�s leading opposition figure, Maryam Rajavi, once said

                            �Iranian women must free themselves. Freedom does not come free and no one will ever deliver it to us on a silver platter.�

                            Rajavi has been elected by the major opposition coalition, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, to serve as Iran�s interim president for six months following the overthrow of the mullahs� regime by her movement.

                            To be sure, a secular Iranian democracy has the potential to satiate the century-long aspiration of Iranians for liberty and democratic rights. The demonstrators in Laleh Park are part of a larger movement for peace, freedom and democracy in Iran, one which welcomes regime change.

                            *The telephone interview was conducted by the Global Coalition Against Fundamentalism with the Women Rights Association of Iran on March 8, 2006 in National Press Club, Washington DC.

                            iran

                            Comment

                            • Rasputin
                              Senior Member
                              • Jan 2005
                              • 63906

                              #569
                              As you probably know, Muslim women activists in Iran have initiated the Campaign for One Million Signatures demanding an end to discriminatory laws against women without questioning the Islamic legal foundation. We secular feminist activists in Iran are not signing this useless petition. We want to let you know that those who are part of this campaign are different Islamic or pseudo-Islamic groups that politically flirt with each other. They are a blend of fundamentalist and reformist Muslim women activists who are misleading the secular youth. We believe that they are confused and confusing and don’t know what they are doing.

                              Sometimes, these people appear to be more into show business than into women's movement, which is a political movement and not a charity or a cultural pass-time. Iranian women across the country are more intelligent and more aware than these Muslim activists who seem to be rather seeking fame. Women's rights can only be achieved within a democratic society. The struggle to eliminate all forms of discriminations against women is not separated from the struggle to overthrow the fascist government of Iran.

                              We do not trust the likes of Nayereh Tohidi, who live abroad and are part of the dead Islamic reformist movement. They do not question the Islamic State and mislead the women inside Iran from abroad by encouraging them to act within the framework of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Unfortunately, our much beloved poet Simin Behbahani supports this campaign. She is mostly with secular feminists, but sometimes she goes with these Islamic activists because she doesn’t really know the whole story. The story is that most of these women campaigners are Muslim reformists and want to maintain an Islamic State.

                              Shirin Ebadi has proven to be completely inefficient (kheili too zard az aab dar aamadeh.) She only shows off here and there and collects money. As a founder of the Association for Support of Children's Rights in Iran, now she even no longer goes to visit children to find out about them. Like Shahla Sherkat and other practicing Muslim women in Iran, she is very conservative and works within the system.

                              Here in Iran, we the secular women feminists are not allowed to gather in a public building or to declare the existence of our many organisations publicly. Just think about the fact that the Writers Association of Iran that is an independent institution is not even allowed to have a public gathering. So, khodat bekhaan hadis az in daastan.

                              iran

                              Comment

                              • Rasputin
                                Senior Member
                                • Jan 2005
                                • 63906

                                #570
                                QAZVIN, Iran 2007 (AFP) - Banned from becoming president and with just a dozen MPs, women have started making inroads in the male-dominated world of Iranian politics by boosting their numbers on local councils.


                                Former high school teacher Fatemeh Ashdari, 42, was one of dozens of women who made a strong showing in December's municipal elections by winning a seat on the city council in the city of Qazvin northwest of Tehran.

                                "Somebody has to take the first steps to pave the way for the next generation," the energetic, chardor-clad Ashdari, a conservative, told AFP.

                                "Women cannot just have the decorative jobs of an advisor or a consultant. Men have to allow us to make our mistakes and learn," she said.

                                Ashdari is one of four women who will sit in the new nine-member council in Qazvin after the December 15 elections, where women represented just one-sixth of the 180 candidates in the city.

                                While Iranian women have yet to make a major breakthrough on a national stage, their success in the municipal polls was startling -- out of 264 seats available on councils in provincial capitals, 44 went to women.

                                And in a number of cities and towns, it was female candidates who polled the most votes, most notably in the cities of Shiraz and Hamedan where two women who are still in their 20s pocketed the highest number of votes.

                                Ashdari said she won her second term on Qazvin city council with "the least publicity as people were happy with my work in the council and got me in again simply by the word of mouth."

                                She attributed her success to "being there for people and following up persistently on their demands" after resolving property disputes, expanding green spaces and promoting cultural centers for women."

                                "I miss out on a lot of family life but it is a very rewarding job," said Ashdari, who is juggling motherhood and chairing two charities and council membership.

                                Qazvin resident and civil servant Mohammad Taheri, 31, voted for Ashdari as he said he was "fed up with male candidates with big titles who do not deliver on their promises".

                                "Women did not let us down in the two previous councils", he said. "And they run households so efficiently, the city is just like a big house."

                                Fakhrosadat Mohtashamipour, a former deputy interior minister for women's affairs, said it was no surprise that Iranian women, who now outnumber men at universities, had done so well in elections.

                                "Despite their small role in politics there are large numbers of educated women who are doing all kinds of jobs. There is no surprise they fared well in municipal polls," he said.

                                "Women are generally more caring and in the council there is room for attention to people's individual needs."

                                Ashdari spends hours in her office listening to people's complaints about their problems, some of which are not relevant to her municipal duties such as needing an urgent kidney transplant or a legal dispute over an inheritance.

                                The ambitious councillor's next target is the parliament and she deplores the fact that there are so few female lawmakers in the body -- just 12 out of 290.

                                Mohtashamipour believes Iranian society is prepared to accept more women in key decision-making roles but partly blames the major political parties for not doing enough to attract and involve woman members.

                                "In legislative elections, people mainly vote for party candidates," she said, adding her reformist Participation Front party had initially decided to nominate five women in the municipal polls for Tehran, but had to reduce it to three in a coalition with other groups.

                                "The reformist parties in particular have to invest in women and explore their potential," she said.

                                Mohtashamipour is also an advocate of affirmative action and positive discrimination to allocate a certain quota for female members in parliament.

                                "It is true that women have to be empowered first, but if there is no will to use their expertise, they will only be disappointed and alienated."

                                Since the Islamic revolution, no woman has served as a minister in an Iranian cabinet.

                                Reformist president Mohammad Khatami, who swept to power with the help of female votes, started a new trend by naming two women to serve as vice presidents for the environment and women's affairs.

                                Hardline successor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has kept up his predecessor's tradition by filling the same portfolios with women, but all ministries are still headed by men.

                                iran

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