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  • Our destiny in their bloody hands

    In the supposed linear world presented by politicians -- for every unjust action there must be a reaction. Not only to stop future similar actions, but for revenge purposes as well. Most likely a frame of thinking taken from the Old Testament: An eye for an eye.

    However what such thinking doesn't take into consideration is that in most cases the relationship between action & reaction in the world of politics tends to operate on a parabolic cycle rather than a linear path with a certain ending. Which then begs the question at what point does the reaction(s) of a nation against unjust and inhumane action of others justifiable? Justifiable not only from the usual moral & ethical perspectives but also from points pertaining to economic, political and even societal.

    To better explain let me go over two events, first the 9/11 attacks and then the 1979 Iranian Revolution.

    As a result of the attacks on 9/11/01 by those men who were influenced by Al Qaeda ideologies approximately 2,973 people which by the way not all were Americans lost their lives. This event led citizens of the countries that were effected by this attack mainly U.S. and NATO countries to allow their governments to first invade Afghanistan, and then Iraq in a war that was meant to fight terrorism, but one that I presume meant to avenge the loss of those who lost their life on 9/11.

    However the irony is that as this seemingly never ending war against terrorism is continuing more people (both innocent civilians & military service men & women) are dying in an effort to avenge the lives of those killed by those 19 men who already had died. In the first war in Afghanistan so far 330 US soldiers have died while 560 injured, and in the second war in Iraq another 2,662 US soldiers have given their life, while another 9,062 injured (Source: US Dept. of Defense). To these we need to add another ~70 death for the troops from NATO serving in Afghanistan, and another ~227 death by coalition forces in Iraq.

    Now here I haven't even touched on the other victims of the war which are the Afghan and Iraqi civilians! Some studies put Iraqi civilian death toll to be around 100,000 to 655,000 while others that only use reported deaths in the media put the estimate at ~40,000. President Bush himself conceded on the ~30,000 figure. As far as Afghan's well the casualty on their side is estimated to be ~15,000.

    So all in all as a whole somewhere around 48,000 to maybe 118,000 (I know pretty wide range) have died in the past 5 years as a result of 9/11. Moreover these figures don't even include the sudden spike in terrorism and casualties post 9/11 -- e.g. attacks in Bali, Madrid, London that caused the death of even more people. Of course this is just looking at it from purely the perspective of those who lost their lives and not from all of the other consequences of such actions such as economic cost and economic trade-offs ($ on weapons vs. $ on education) of waging such a war, America's reputation in the world, social impacts of those that somehow have been touched by this war and etc ...

    In the other example of challenges and dilemmas in reacting against inhumane actions I can't help but to think of the 1979 revolution in Iran. Recently I had an exchange of thoughts with a friend after I shared a 2003 revelation by an Iranian political activist Emad Baghi. In his book "A Survey Of Iran's Revolution" he devoted a brief section to a review of actual death toll pre 1979 revolution. His findings which were as a result of having access to Martyrs Foundation (Bonyad Shahid) data showed that during the year of 1963-1977 where opposition groups were accusing the Shah's regime of horrible atrocities a total of 383 people were killed by the regime.

    After the revolution started in 1977 and ended in 1979 an additional 2,781 people were killed for a total sum of 3,164. This is while many opposition leaders including Khomeini frequently throw around figures of ~60,000 for the same time period! In fact while in exile in an interview in 1972 Khomeini cleverly suggested that it had been told that in the 1963 uprising 15,000 were killed by the regime, whereas the actual figure was 32! Such exaggerations continued on and in fact were elevated during the period of 1977-79 after each account of friction between the regime and revolutionaries. For example in one of the supposed bloodiest days of revolution (17th Shahrivar) in 1977 actual data showed 64 people were killed, whereas many in the opposition, and foreign media sources put the numbers to be around 4,000 and some even 10,000!

    In both the 9/11 attacks and 1979 Iranian Revolution the citizens in these countries had to make a choice in how to address such atrocities. Although the situations have hugely different circumstances and history behind them, but in as far as the over reaction of the citizens they do share some commonality. At what "end" does both the mean and the outcome justify the cause? Does killing 15,000 Afghan and another 40,000 Iraqi justify having 3000 killed by mainly Saudi men? Does killing 1000 Lebanese for having 2 soldiers taken prisoner, and 3 killed justify both the mean and outcome?

    Does having a revolution that was mainly inspired on the death of supposed 60,000 people (actually 383), and then having another 2,781 die during the revolution and an additional ~4,000 more executed afterward -- all justify the cause of having democracy? In fact in Iran's case one can also take it one hyothetical step further by wondering had it not been for the revolution and Iran's relation with U.S., Iraq probably would not have had attacked Iran, or at least the war would not have been as long as it was. Thus raising the possibility that had it not been for Iranians over reaction to the horrible atrocities done by the Shah's regime to the 383 people , just maybe -- maybe another approximate 450,000 - 1,000,000 Iranians wouldn't have died during the war with Iraq!

    Now here I must explain that my comments are not meant to suggest that no fights are worth fighting for -- no that is not my position. I'm all for holding guilty people accountable, and punished, and I can see the rational for some nations to wage wars or even have revolutions. At what levels and what reactions it makes them justifiable -- well that has to be answered on an individual bases, as I don't have a formula for say the threshold of death on both the side of aggressor and victim in making it a just or an unjust reaction. Having said that I do think that if the reaction will cause the death of multiple more people, then maybe as much as killing one innocent person idealistically is equivalent to killing all innocent people, but since realistically it doesn't then it may be best to just accept what happened -- however tough it may be, and find an alternative approach.

    Lastly my main point is that I think all responsible citizens must make sure that their political leaders have exhausted all peaceful means in trying to stop future unjust actions before allowing them to resort to war or say revolution -- which could lead to killing of many others. This of course requires accepting the responsibility of making sure we are informed enough so we are not manipulated into allowing those with their own agendas, and not so well thought out plans to change the course of our destiny.

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    • Get informed and do your part in putting a stop to this madness

      Did any of you read "Sex and Super-consciousness" by Rajneesh?

      I would like to thank Iranian.com for linking Iran Information Agency, which as result has so far received over one thousand visitors. Some of you have added the site to your favorites and some of you have stayed and read the information carefully. But most of you have taken a quick look and moved on with your surfing.

      For those of you that have not taken a look at Iran Information Agency I would encourage you to visit and spend at least 30 minutes reading the material. I think after 30 minutes you will gather enough information that you will want to learn more and also to keep up with new postings.

      Why am I pitching a Web site to you?

      Simple, because I sincerely believe our country stands at the crossroad of history and any wrong moves could result in nuclear weapons being used to attack Iran.

      Why do I think this?

      Read the material I have gathered over the past four months and posted on Iran Information Agency and I am sure you would not ask that question.

      It is vital all Iranians become informed about what is going on. I know many of you live very busy lives and spending more than fifteen minutes a day on news gathering is more than a luxury. The site is set up in such a way that you can gather a great deal of information quickly. I started Iran Information Agency because I kept coming across articles that were scattered all over the Internet but where related to one central issue; war and Iran, and nobody was organizing it onto one site.

      First I gathered the articles on my hard disk and after five years of doing this I decided to place it on a blog and the trigger for this was the Israel-Hezbollah war. I am certain that if the war had turned out differently Iran would have ended up being under a great deal of pressure; certainly far more pressure then it is under now.

      I believe the vital issue every Iranian should be debating right now is whether or not our country's future and wellbeing is being looked after correctly by those in power in Iran. And if the answer is no, then Iranians need to organize and form a government in exile that can represent the interests of Iranians that do not agree with the decision of the current regime. We need to pull up a chair and sit ourselves down at the table where others are deciding our future for us.

      This is not about a few building being blown up and life returning to normal later on. This is about the deadly radioactive contamination of our country's water, soil, and air --- and for generations to come.

      And this war will not only harm those living now but will cause birth defects in our yet to be born children, grandchildren, and great grandchildren.

      Any military confrontation between Iran, America, and Israel contains the real possibility for the use of nuclear weapons, and most certainly the use of depleted uranium weaponry.

      This is about the future and wellbeing of our home. It is about the health of our blood. This is about causing mutations in our gene pool for generations to come.

      Get informed and do your part in putting a stop to this madness.

      A couple of times I have kicked around the idea of creating a government in exile in cyberspace. How this would work is that we would first identify all the government offices that need to be filled by elected representatives; mayor, police chief, school superintendent, local council, and all the way up to president. Then we would write up a job description for each office, and this job description would be created online through collaboration via forums, chat rooms, and blogs. And the job description could even be voted on online.

      The next step would be to find interested and capable Iranians that would want to run for an office and take on the responsibilities outlined in the job description. This step can take place anonymously, which would most likely attract more candidates, and also more candidates with the right qualifications.

      We can then vote anonymously for the anonymous candidates. After the results are tabulated a secret meeting would take place where all the elected officials would meet and start the process of governing in exile.

      Once formed and functioning on a managerial level; offices, security, communication, transportation, etc. the government would publicly announce its formation. And the first act of the government would be to demand a seat at the United Nations.

      If we Iranians are able to organize ourselves to the point where we can actually form this government in exile then we would be offering Iranians in Iran a true alternative, and once they see that an alternative does exist the next step would be to replace the existing government with the government in exile. And this can be done peacefully and without any bloodshed. The power is in the hands of the Iranian people to create their own future. Or alternatively we can sit back and hope the current decision makers in Iran do not lead the country to war. So far they have not taken any wrong steps but the sense that there exists a trip wire somewhere very close is an extremely uncomfortable feeling.

      What will happen next is very difficult to foresee but there certainly are very dark clouds on the horizon and the white caps can be seen in the far distance. Either we ride this storm together or we let the current captain deal with it. Mutiny is one option. How to mount the mutiny and succeed in getting through the storm is the difficult part.

      If anybody has the time and interest in translating Iran Information Agency into Farsi I would be more than grateful. Please contact me if you are interested and we can maybe come up with some arrangement that would work out that is not too much of a hassle. When I check stats on the site I find very few visitors from Iran, and sometimes I get more visitors from Asia and Europe than from Iran. About sixty percent of readers of Iran Information Agency are living in the United States; the rest are scattered between Canada, Australia, England, France, New Zealand, Japan, India, Spain, and others.

      My target audience is Iranians living in Iran and I am not reaching them and this is frustrating. Kashki farsi-am khoob bood va meetavanestam hamechizo be farsi beneveesam. Chee fekre meekoneed? Hameh een harfa bee faay-daastt? Va heech kari nemeetooneem bekoneem? Shayad doorost meekee, valli har chi hast vaz khaylee tokhmeehe.

      (Khob, rastesh-o b-goo, chee javaab daadee be so-al-e ball-a? And by the way, it got you to read this, so we have Rajneesh to thank.)

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          • بر اساس آمار غيررسمی هر ساله شمار زيادی از دانشجويان و فارغ التحصيلان ايرانی برای ادامه تحصيل و همچنين دستيابی به موقعيتهای شغلی گسترده تر، ترک وطن کرده، عموماً به مناطق اروپايی و آمريکايی مهاجرت می کنند.

            اين موضوع که گاه از آن با عنوان "فرار مغزها" ياد می شود، دير زمانی است گريبانگير جامعه علمی ايران بوده، مورد بحث و انتقاد صاحبنظران و سياستگذاران است.

            بعضی خروج اين دانشجويان را از دست رفتن سرمايه انسانی تلقی می کنند و برخی ديگر مهاجرت دانشجويان را باعث گسترده شدن قابليت های علمی و عملی دانسته، از آن به عنوان توانايی بالقوه برای توسعه علمی و فن آوری آينده ايران ياد می کنند.

            با اين حال هر دو گروه متفق القولند که توسعه بلندمدت در ايران بدون بازگشت اين قشر از جامعه ايرانی به سرزمين مادری يا جلب سرمايه آنها از خارج به داخل کشور، امری مشکل و حتی ناممکن است و سياستگذاری صحيح و بلندمدت در اين راستا، نيازمند آمار و ارقام دقيق است.

            از اين منظر، مطالعه اخير گروه مطالعات ايرانی دانشگاه ام آی تی در مورد دانشجويان ايرانی مقيم آمريکا شايان توجه است.

            در اين "برگه واقعنما" اطلاعات مربوط به دانشجويان و فارغ التحصيلان ايرانی مقيم آمريکای شمالی از منابعی چون بنياد ملی علمی آمريکا (NFS) و اداره آمار کانادا استخراج شده است.

            بر اساس اين مطالعه، شمار فارغ التحصيلان تابع ايران مقيم آمريکا از سال ۱۹۹۰ تا ۲۰۰۳ سير نزولی داشته است.

            لازم به ذکر است که اين کاهش برای ايرانيان دارای اقامت دائم (گرين کارت) و ايرانيان دارای رواديد موقت روند مشابهی دارد.

            اين در حالی است که تعداد دانشجويان ايرانی مقيم کانادا در مقطع زمانی مشابه سيری صعودی داشته است.

            بين سالهای ۱۹۸۵ تا ۱۹۹۸ شمار ثبت نام دانشجويان ايرانی در کانادا در مقطع کارشناسی هفتاد درصد و در مقطع کارشناسی ارشد و دکترا 240 درصد افزايش داشته است.

            برای مقايسه بين سالهای ۱۹۹۲ تا ۲۰۰۳، شمار فارغ التحصيلان ايرانی در تحصيلات تکميلی (مقطع کارشناسی ارشد و دکتری) در کانادا با ۳۵۰ درصد رشد از چهل نفر به ۱۴۰ نفرافزايش يافته، در حالی که در آمريکا اين شمار با کاهشی ۶۷ درصدی، از ۲۰۳ نفر به ۶۴ نفر رسيده است.

            دلايل احتمالی افول شمار دانشجويان علوم پايه و مهندسی ايرانی مقيم آمريکا را می توان دور شدن از موج مهاجرت بعد از انقلاب و دوران جنگ، افزونی مشکلات دريافت رواديد برای ايالات متحده، اقبال کمتر تحصيلگران به رشته های علوم پايه و مهندسی و سياستگذاريهای اخير ساير کشورها از جمله کانادا، استراليا و اروپا برای جذب دانشجويان غير بومی برشمرد.

            لازم به ذکر است که بين ثبت نام تا فارغ التحصيلی ميانگين بازه زمانی شش هفت ساله ای وجود دارد، بدين جهت در اين مطالعه، عواقب حادثه يازده سپتامبر و موج جديد مشکلات دريافت رواديد قابل بررسی نيست.

            آمار بنياد ملی علمی آمريکا در سال ۲۰۰۳، شمار فارغ التحصيلان متولد ايران و مقيم آمريکا که دارای درجه کارشناسی يا بالاتر باشند را ۸۲۸۰۰ نفر اعلام می کند.

            بين اين فارغ التحصيلان نوزده درصد از دارندگان درجه کارشناسی، هشت درصد از دارندگان درجه کارشناسی ارشد و ۲۶ درصد از دارندگان درجه دکتری، مدارک خود را خارج از ايالات متحده (عمدتاً ايران) دريافت کرده اند.

            شايان ذکر است که ايرانيان مقيم آمريکا جزو تحصيلکرده ترين گروهای قومی آمريکا هستند.

            بر اساس سرشماری فدرال آمريکا در سال ۲۰۰۰، ۵۷ درصد از ايرانيان بالای ۲۵ سال دارای مدرک کارشناسی يا بالاترند، در حالی که اين نسبت برای کل جمعيت آمريکا ۲۴ درصد ياد شده است.

            همچنين ۲۷ درصد از ايرانيان بالای ۲۵ سال دارای مدرک کارشناسی ارشد و دکتری هستند، در حالی که با اختلافی فاحشتر، اين نسبت برای کل جمعيت آمريکا نه درصد محاسبه شده است.

            مهاجرت دانشجويان ايرانی محدود به رشته های مهندسی و علوم پايه نيست و برای درک و تحليل دقيقتر مسئله "فرار مغزها"، آمارگيری جامعتر و مطالعاتی از اين دست لازم است تا سياستهای مناسبی گذارده شود.

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                  • سال پس از اعلاميه ١٢ شهريور
                    آذربايجان چه می خواست
                    و امروز چه می خواهد؟




                    62 سال پيش در چنين روزی عده ای از ميهن پرستان آذربايجان سندی را منشتر كردند. در اين سند خواسته های مردم آذربايجان از دولت مركزی به شكل وسيع انعكاس يافته بود. انتشار اين سند برای نيروهای مختلف ايران چنان غير منتظره بود كه در سراسر كشور مثل بمب منفجر شد. نيروهای ارتجاعی حاكم بر ايران از انتشار اين اعلاميه چنان به وحشت افتادند كه حد و حصری نداشت.

                    آذربايجان چه می خواست كه دشمنان آزادی و دموكراسی در ايران به اين شكل به رعب و وحشت افتادند. در عين حال طبقه حاكمه ايران اولين بار بود كه با آذربايجان نه مثل هميشه، بلكه به شكل ديگری روبرو شده بود.

                    مردم آذربايجان در نيمه اول قرن بيستم در صف مقدم مثل همه مردم ايران عليه استبداد مبارزه كردند. اكنون وضع تغيير پيدا كرده بود. اين بار آذربايجان می خواست دموكراتيزه كردن ايران را از خانه خود شروع كند. چنين طرز برخورد به حوادث ايران برای مرتجعين تهران دور از انتظار بود. به هيچ وجه آنها تصور نمی كردند كه آذربايجان اين بار نخست درباره خودش بيانديشد. بدين جهت هياهويی راه انداختند تا ثابت كنند كه آذربايجان می خواهد از ايران جدا شود و به كشور بيگانه ملحق شود.

                    تشكيل فرقه دموكرات آذربايجان نيروهای ملی را از نيروهای ارتجاعی جدا ساخت. ليكن اين جدايی بر روند حوادث تاثيری نگذاشت. ارتجاع ايران با پشتيبانی آمريكا و انگليس همه نيروهای خود را بسيج نمود و خواسته های اعلاميه ١٢ شهريور فرقه دموكرات آذربايجان را زير ضربه تبليغاتی قرار دادند.

                    آذربايجان با استفاد از فرصت پيش آمده نيروهای خود را با سرعت جمع و جور نمود و جوانان پر شور روستايی آذربايجان را مسلح ساخت و در عرض ٣ ماه جوانان مسلح فدايی تحت رهبری فرقه دموكرات آذربايجان و شخص پيشه وری زمام امور را در آذربايجان بدست گرفتند. حكومت ملی تشكيل شد و آرمانهای ملی آذربايجان به مرحله اجرا درآمد. بويژه زبان مادری در آذربايجان برسميت شناخته شد. بعد از آن مرحله ديگر مبارزه مردم آذربايجان آغاز گرديد. در اين مرحله تحكيم قدرت سياسی و نظامی آذربايجان در دستور روز قرار گرفت. برای رسيدن به اين هدف اصلاحات اقتصادی و فرهنگی آغاز گرديد. اين اصلاحات پايه اجتماعی فرقه دموكرات آذربايجان و حكومت ملی را گسترش داد و نيروهای ارتجاعی را در آذربايجان منزوی نمود. نيروهای مردمی با اراده آهنين برای دفاع از دستاوردهای نهضت دموكراتيك مردم آذربايجان خود را آماده نمودند. در اينجا سئوالی مطرح می شود مبنی بر اينكه نهضتی كه روی پايه های ملی استوار شده بود چرا نتوانست از خود دفاع كند و در مقابل ارتش شاه بايستد؟ جواب اين سئوال را نبايد در آذربايجان بلكه در جهان آنروز جستجو كرد. نيروهای آمريكا و انگليس توانستند آذربايجان را در چشم جهانيان از وجهه بياندازند و آن را وابسته به بيگانگان قلمداد نمايند و اتحاد شوروی را در شورای امنيت سازمان ملل متحد به پای ميز محاكمه بكشند و به اصطلاح به بازگرداندن آذربايجان به تحت سلطه تهران نائل شوند. بدين ترتيب آذربايجان در اوضاع جهانی آن روز تنها ماند. نه اسلحه كافی داشت تا از خود دفاع كند و نه پشتيبانان خارجی داشت كه به آنها اتكا نمايد.

                    چنين بود اوضاع جهان در آن روز. بعبارت ديگر مردم آذربايجان سركوب شد و قدرت تهران در اين منطقه احياء و استقرار يافت. آذربايجان ٦٢ سال است در مبارزه ضد ارتجاعی باز هم به شكل فعال شركت می نمايد، اما در اين مبارزه برای خود هنوز چيزی بدست نياورده است.

                    درسی كه نهضت دموكراتيك آذربايجان به رزمندگان می آموزد اين است كه:

                    ١- در مبارزه مردم ايران برای آزادی و دموكراسی همچنان شركت نمايند.

                    ٢- در مبارزه در راه احقاق حقوق ملی از افراط و تفريط برحذر باشند.



                    آگاه ساختن مردم آذربايجان عمده ترين درسی است كه نهضت دموكراتيك آذربايجان از خود بجا گذاشت. مردم آذربايجان دريافتند كه بايد متحد شوند و روی پای خود بايستند و حقوق ملی خود را در چهارچوب ايران بطلبند. حوادث اول خرداد ماه سال 1385 نشان داد كه مردم آذربايجان بويژه جوانان آذربايجان برای دست يابی به آرزوهای قانونی و ملی خود به آگاهی رسيده اند و به شكل مسالمت آميز خواسته های خود را در شهرها و روستاهای آذربايجان بگوش جهانيان می رسانند. امروز وظيفه همه مبارزين آگاه در دو سمت متمركز شده است.



                    1- ايران بايد دموكراتيزه شود.

                    2- ملل و اقوام غيرفارس از حقوق ملی خود برخوردار شوند.



                    اين شعار عمده روز است كه اكثريت بزرگ اقليت های قومی آنرا درك كرده اند و بكار می بندند. در اين مبارزه به افراط گريها نيز بر می خوريم. اين افراط گريها است كه بدست مخالفين خواسته های ملی اقوام بهانه می دهد تا هر چه شديدتر بر عليه اين خواسته ها وارد عمل شوند.


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                    • Ali's ambition shines bright

                      With its traffic-clogged streets, terrifyingly aggressive drivers and asphyxiating pollution, Tehran is hardly tailor-made for following Norman Tebbit's prescription to get 'on your bike' in search of work.
                      But heedless of the mayhem of the Iranian capital, that's what Ali Hasankhani does every day. More precisely, he gets on his specially adapted mountain bike with a makeshift shoeshine and shoe repair kit fixed to the front and goes looking for customers. Hasankhani is one of the city's pioneering entrepreneurs. And he is on a mission to transform and dignify the downtrodden image of the manual worker.

                      It is a philosophy - if not a dress-sense - that is at one with the new Iran and the instincts of Iran's populist President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who has made a political cause out of championing the country's blue-collar workers. So not for Ali the time-honoured spectre of the street hawker hoping to make a few bob from passing customers needing a quick polish on their way to work. Instead, the ponytailed Ali, 34, is earning a reputation as Iran's first mobile, on-call, hi-tech-savvy shoe-shiner.
                      Rather than wait hopefully for business, Hasankhani cycles across Tehran to where he knows customers are in need of his services. He plies his trade expertly in cafes and restaurants frequented by well-to-do professionals who have come to rely on him to keep their footwear gleaming.

                      Hasankhani's email address - aliwaxima2000@yahoo.com - and telephone number are proudly emblazoned on his kit box, which also bears the ultimate customer-friendly motto: Have A Nice Day. In a further innovation, he is setting up a website.

                      Completing the unlikely revolutionary picture is Hasankhani's personal appearance. Eschewing the archetypal blue-collar look, he arrives for business in a freshly pressed shirt and tie - a dress code long derided as a decadent Western affectation by Iran's Islamic rulers.

                      'I want people to respect the job of shoe-shining more,' says Hasankhani, a 14-year veteran of his trade. 'When I go to restaurants and companies to find my customers, they always remark on how neat and well-dressed I am. My whole approach is about changing the profile and perception of the job. I think everyone, even a street sweeper, has a position worthy of respect.'

                      Going full throttle against the patriarchy

                      Less in line with the authorities and showing the other side of this land of contrasts and contradictions is Laleh Seddigh, who prefers cars to cycles. And as the first woman to be crowned Iran's national motor rally champion, she has shown herself to be highly adept at the art.

                      But her success has never been accepted by the traditionalist male-dominated hierarchy of the racing federation, who, in effect, ensured that she would not repeat it by recently barring her from a race at Tehran's Azadi stadium.

                      Seddigh, however, remains defiant. Certain that right is on her side, she has embarked on a campaign to secure legally binding written permission for any woman to compete against men in motor races. She is also trying to break another taboo - the prohibition on men training women to become rally coaches.

                      That is banned on Islamic grounds, on the basis that unrelated members of the opposite sex should not be alone together in an enclosed space.

                      'Some jealous people are saying it is the law and that I cannot participate,' she says. 'But they are making the law up by themselves. In our sport we have to wear loose overalls, a helmet and gloves. We are totally covered. There is no question of breaking Islamic laws.'

                      If the racing authorities refuse to bend, Seddigh, 29, believes that she possesses the ultimate weapon - a fatwa (a legally enforceable Islamic decree) obtained by her father from a cleric saying her participation against male racers is religiously permissible.

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